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Purpose – This study aims (i) to analyze the readiness of zakat management institutions in zakat digitalization and (ii) to analyze the problems and solutions in managing zakat funds through digital platforms.Methodology – The study used two methods, called the interview and the Delphi-ANP methods. The data used in this study were the results of interviews with zakat managers (OPZ) in South Kalimantan (BAZNAS and LAZNAS). Besides practitioners, it also involved experts from various universities in South Kalimantan.Findings – The results showed that most zakat institutions in South Kalimantan, Most zakat institutions have a good understanding and readiness to shift to digital platforms. Based on the analysis of problems and solutions in using digital platforms in zakat management, the study found alternative priority problems and solutions for zakat institutions. The problems and solutions covered human resources, IT, institution management and socialization and communication, muzakki, society, government and digitization. In particular, the main cluster of priority problems was management, and the main cluster of priority solutions included human resources.Originality – The researchers reviewed several studies that explained problems and theories of zakat management through digital platforms. However, there is still seemingly no study reviewing problems to manage zakat funds through digital platforms provided by zakat institutions.Practical implications – This research shows that OPZ needs to recruit IT and Digital Marketing people. In addition, it suggests OPZ designs and creates crowdfunding, e-wallet, e-commerce, website, and social media. Following that, OPZ should do digital planning for zakat collection and training conducted by BAZNAS Province and Center to OPZ periodically. They also need to establish a partnership with scholars (Ulama) and the government agencies to increase the payment zakat digitally.

This paper empirically investigates the role of governance institutions in shaping the economic impact of services trade reform. The analysis focuses on the effects of services trade policy on the productivity of manufacturing sectors that use services as intermediate inputs. We find that these effects depend on the quality of governance institutions in the country implementing trade and investment reform. The moderating effects of horizontal (cross-cutting) and services sector-specific dimensions of economic governance institutions are found to differ. For some services activities market access opening can substitute for weak regulation/governance; in others bad regulatory governance is a binding constraint and needs to be addressed directly for market opening to have the greatest benefits. Our empirical findings suggest these complementarity and substitution relationships may be associated with the types of market failure that arise in different services sectors and the effectiveness of regulatory regimes in addressing them. We also find that positive effects of services trade and investment reforms are higher in EU member states.

Social justice is a topic of importance to social scientists and also political decision makers. We examine the relationship between globalization and social justice as measured by a new indicator for 31 OECD countries. The results show that countries that experienced rapid globalization enjoy social justice. When the KOF index of globalization increases by one standard deviation, the social justice indicator increases by about 0.4 points (on a scale from 1 to 10). The policy implication is that permitting a national economy to become globally integrated is consistent with and promotes social justice.

Soziale Gerechtigkeit zählt zu den zentralen Themen, denen sich Sozialwissenschaftler und politische Entscheidungsträger widmen. Anhand des Indikators für soziale Gerechtigkeit, den die Bertelsmann Stiftung für 31 OECD-Länder abbildet, untersucht eine neue Studie den Zusammenhang zwischen Globalisierung und sozialer Gerechtigkeit. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass in stark globalisierten Ländern soziale Gerechtigkeit besonders ausgeprägt ist.

We study the role of firms in the political economy of trade agreements. Using detailed information from lobbying reports filed under the Lobbying Disclosure Act, we find that virtually all firms that lobby on free trade agreements (FTAs) support their ratification. Moreover, relative to non-lobbying firms, lobbying firms are larger, and more likely to be engaged in international trade and to operate in comparative advantage sectors. To rationalize these findings, we develop a model in which heterogeneous firms decide whether to lobby and how much to spend in favor or against a proposed FTA. We show that the distributional effects are asymmetric: the winners from the FTA have higher stakes in the agreement than the losers, which explains why only pro-FTA firms select into lobbying. The model also delivers predictions on the intensive margin of lobbying. In line with these predictions, we find that firms spend more supporting agreements that generate larger potential gains - in terms of the extent of the reduction of tariffs on their final goods and intermediate inputs, the depth of the agreement, and the export and sourcing potential of the FTA partners - and when politicians are less likely to be in favor of ratification.

This paper examines the effects of globalization on the distribution of worker-specific labor taxes using a unique set of tax calculators. We find a differential effect of higher trade and factor mobility on relative tax burdens in 1980–1993 versus 1994–2007 in the OECD. Prior to 1994, greater openness meant that higher income earners were taxed progressively more. However, after 1994, we document a globalization-induced rise in the labor income tax burden of the middle class, while the top 1 percent of workers and employees faced a reduction in their tax burden of 0.59–1.45 percentage points. (JEL D31, F16, F61, H22, H24)

The EMU crisis holds special lessons for existing monetary unions. We assess the behavior of real effective exchange rates (REERs) of members of the Central African Economic and Monetary Community (CEMAC) zone with respect to their long-term equilibrium paths. A reduced form of the fundamental equilibrium exchange rate (FEER) model is estimated and associated misalignments. Our findings suggest that for majority of countries, macroeconomic fundamentals have the expected associations with the exchange rate fluctuations. The analysis also reveals that only the REER adjustments of Cameroon and Gabon are significant in restoring the long-term equilibrium in event of a shock. The Cameroonian economic fundamentals of terms of trade, government expenditure and openness have different long-term relations with the REER in comparison to those of other member states. There is no need for an adjustment in the level of the peg based on the present quantitative analysis of REER paths.

We assess the behavior of real effective exchange rates (REERs) of members of the CEMAC zone with respect to their long-term equilibrium paths. A reduced form of the fundamental equilibrium exchange rate (FEER) model is estimated and associated misalignments are derived for the period 1980 to 2009. Our findings suggest that for majority of countries, macroeconomic fundamentals have the expected associations with the exchange rate fluctuations. The analysis also reveals that, only the REER adjustments of Cameroon and Gabon are significant in restoring the long-term equilibrium in event of a shock. The Cameroonian economic fundamentals of terms of trade, government expenditure and openness have different long-term relations with the REER in comparison to those of other member states. Ultimately, there is no need for an adjustment in the level of the peg based on the present quantitative analysis of REER paths.

L'article analyse les effets de l'insertion dans les chaînes de valeurs mondiales (CVM) sur la productivité des entreprises dans les différentes régions en développement. À cette fin, un panel de 42 733 entreprises manufacturières de 114 pays a été constitué à partir des données de World Bank Enterprise Survey. L'estimation faite aux moyens des MCO inclut les effets fixes pays, années et secteurs d'activités partant de l'hypothèse que ces éléments spécifiques conditionnent l'effet de l'intégration sur la productivité. Les résultats indiquent que l'intégration dans les CVM à travers l'importation des intrants, au lieu de favoriser l'amélioration de la productivité et entrainer une transformation structurelle des économies en développement, peut être contreproductive. Classification JEL : F61, F63, O57

We examine the supply-side characteristics - unskilled labor, imported input intensity, dependence on inputs from China, production complexity - that determine different potential vulnerabilities of traded products to the COVID-19 pandemic. Relying on monthly exports at the product level by all countries to the United States, Japan, and all 27 European Union countries from January 2018 to December 2020, we estimate a difference-in-differences specification of the COVID-19 incidence (deaths per capita) mediated by product vulnerabilities. We account for the precise lag between when the COVID-19 shock hit the exporting country and when exports reach their destination country relying on the products' type of transportation and distance between exporter and importer countries. Higher reliance on foreign inputs, on China as input supplier, on unskilled labor and a lower degree of complexity negatively affected exports as a result of this shock.

We study the role of firms in the political economy of trade agreements. Using detailed information from lobbying reports filed under the Lobbying Disclosure Act, we find that virtually all firms that lobby on free trade agreements (FTAs) support their ratification. Moreover, relative to non-lobbying firms, lobbying firms are larger, and more likely to be engaged in international trade and to operate in comparative advantage sectors. To rationalize these findings, we develop a model in which heterogeneous firms decide whether to lobby and how much to spend in favour or against a proposed FTA. We show that the distributional effects are asymmetric: the winners from the FTA have higher stakes in the agreement than the losers, which explains why only pro-FTA firms select into lobbying. The model also delivers predictions on the intensive margin of lobbying. In line with these predictions, we find that firms spend more supporting agreements that generate larger potential gains - in terms of the extent of the reduction of tariffs on their final goods and intermediate inputs, the depth of the agreement, and the export and sourcing potential of the FTA partners - and when politicians are less likely to be in favor of ratification.

In a unique attempt, our paper aims to provide a quantitative economic assessment of the impact of "Make in India", a flagship program for industrialization, launched by the Government of India in 2014, combining it with the global trade war of 2017-18. We analyze whether the expected favourable impact of the former was reversed due to its reactive policies compared its pro-active policies, and whether it worsened due to the trade war, whose effects continue to aggravate in a post-COVID recalibration of global supply chains. The question assumes significance as Make in India program's proactive measures to boost investment may have a favourable impact on the industries at large in terms of output and employment. In contrast, its protectionist measures involving tariff barriers may have an ambiguous effect on the same. We utilize an applied general equilibrium analysis, exploring the impact of Make in India and the global trade war in a combined way. Our results suggest that the combined effects of both policies, while being beneficial for the Indian economy, yields negative ramifications for exports, jobs, and investment growth. Specific sectors are also unable to increase domestic output despite being a part of Make in India, such as the Chemical, Rubber, and Plastics industries, and those that use it as raw materials.

Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) has increased in importance over the last decades, globally as well as in Indonesia. We examine how such inflows of FDI affects value added in Indonesia. The effect is positive: foreign firms generate relatively high levels of value added and they also seem to have a positive impact on value added in local firms. Moreover, FDI contribute to a structural change of the economy towards more high-value added activities. High value added could lead to increased investments and higher tax revenues for the government. High value added could also benefit labor through higher wages, an effect that is empirically confirmed in Indonesia.