Suchergebnisse

It is commonly believed that women's entry into the political realm is a recent phenomenon. Originally published in 1992, Belle Moskowitz shatters that myth, restoring to history the career of a remarkable woman who achieved unprecedented influence and power in American politics many decades before the contemporary era. As political advisor to Alfred E. Smith, four-term governor of New York and presidential candidate. Moskowitz played a crucial role in both state and national politics throughout the 1920s. Elisabeth Israels Perry, who is Moskowitz's granddaughter, has thoroughly searched through private and public records to document Moskowitz's career, drawing as well on the reminiscences of Moskowitz's daughter Miriam Israels Gabo. This outstanding biography was co-winner of the New York State Historical Association Manuscript Prize in 1987.

THE PROBLEMS FACING CONTEMPORARY JAPANESE WOMEN ARE ESSENTIALLY THE PROBLEMS OF ADVANCED CAPITALISM, THOUGH INSERTED IN A CULTURAL FRAMEWORK THAT IS CONSIDERABLY DIFFERENT FROM THOSE OF EUROPE OR AMERICA. IN THIS ESSAY, THE AUTHOR TAKES A BROAD VIEW OF FEMINIST POLITICS IN JAPAN, MINDFUL THAT IT EXTENDS BEYOND THE WOMEN'S MOVEMENT TO CONSUMER, PEACE, AND ENVIRONMENTAL GROUPS.

THE AUTHOR REFLECTS UPON THE CONTRIBUTION OF WOMEN TO BRITISH COLUMBIA'S POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT AND STATES THAT THE GOAL OF FULL EQUALITY IS YET TO BE ATTAINED.

IN 1993, NEW ZEALANDERS ARE CELEBRATING THE CENTENNIAL OF WOMEN'S SUFFRAGE IN THEIR COUNTRY, WHICH BECAME THE FIRST SELF-GOVERNING COUNTRY TO HAVE UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE IN 1893.

AbstractCurrent scholarship offers conflicting conclusions about whether female candidates have a feminine advantage or a disadvantage. Previous work does not consider whether voters respond similarly to all types of messages that might emphasize feminine stereotypes, such as feminine trait and feminine issue messages. I argue that voters will respond differently to trait-based feminine messages relative to issue-based feminine messages. I test the effects of trait-based and issue-based feminine messages through two survey experiments. The results consistently show that emphasizing feminine traits harms female candidates, whereas emphasizing feminine issues helps female candidates. I use role congruity theory to argue that feminine traits activate feminine stereotypes about women, and feminine issues do not activate these stereotypes. I also show that trait-based and issue-based feminine messages affect Democratic and Republican female candidates in very different ways. These results have implications for the ability of women to win elected office and reverse the pervasive underrepresentation of women in politics.

BARRIERS TO WOMEN'S INCREASED PARTICIPATION IN THE POLITICAL PROCESS ARE REAL, AND THE MATTER IS NOT A "WOMAN'S ISSUE" BUT RATHER PART OF A BROADER SOCIAL ISSUE THAT MUST BE A CONCERN TO ALL CITIZENS IN A DEMOCRACY. BECAUSE DIFFERENT CULTURES PRESENT DIFFERENT BARRIERS TO WOMEN, REAL CHANGE WILL COME ONLY WHEN IT IS SUPPORTED BY POSITIVE ACTION AND CULTURAL CHANGE AT THE LOCAL LEVEL.

ALTHOUGH WOMEN IN BRITISH COLUMBIA WON THE RIGHT TO VOTE AND BE CANDIDATES IN PROVINCIAL ELECTIONS IN 1917, ONLY RECENTLY HAVE THEY BEGUN TO BE REPRESENTED IN SIGNIFICANT NUMBERS. THE MAJOR OBSTACLE IS THE ATTITUDE, SHARED BY MANY MEN AND WOMEN ALIKE, THAT QUESTIONS THE ABILITY OF WOMEN TO HANDLE POWER AND LEADERSHIP.

THIS INTERVIEW, CONDUCTED BY HOWARD WINANT, QUESTIONS GAYATRI SPIVAK, WHO IS CLASSIFIED AS "A FEMINIST MARXIST DECONSTRUCTIVIST." SHE IS QUESTIONED ON POLITCAL ACTIVISM AND MARXIST THOUGHT. SPIVAK ALSO TAKES ON THE DECONSTRUCTION ESTABLISHMENT, BY ARGUING THAT DECONSTRUCTIVE PRACTICE IS AN INSTITUTIONAL DISCOURSE WITH SPECIFIC CONSTRAINTS. SHE ALSO ARGUES, THAT MARXISM, IF IT IS TO HAVE ANY LASTING VALUE BEYOND THE CONFINES OF THE UNIVERSITY, MUST BE REINVENTED THROUGH THE PRACTICE OF FEMINISM AS EXPERIENCED IN THE DAILY LIVES OF WOMEN IN THE WORLD.