[8], 174, [4], 87, [3] p. ; The words "1. Behauiour . Familie." are bracketed together on the title page. ; Printer's name from STC. ; "Salomons ethicks, or morals", "Salomons politicks", "Salomons oeconomicks" each have separate dated title page; pagination and register are continuous. "An open and plaine paraphrase vpon the Song of songs" has separate dated title page and pagination; register is continuous. ; The last leaf is blank except for rule border. ; Reproduction of the original in Yale University. Library.
1 sheet ([1] p.) ; Title from caption and first lines of text. ; Imprint suggested by Wing. ; Headpiece; initial letter. ; Signed: Cottington [and 9 others]. ; Reproduction of the original in the Bodleian Library.
"Die Veneris 28 mail 1647. Ordered by the Lords assembled in Parliament, that this declaration, instructions, and ordinances be forthwith printed and published. Joh. Brown oler. Parliamentorum." ; Mode of access: Internet. ; MU: Pre-1801 imprint.
1 sheet ([1] p.) ; Requeting suppression of private branches and cocks, which withdraw water from public conduits--STC. ; Imprint from STC. ; Reproduction of original in the Bodleian Library, Oxford, England.
Legislation concerning merchants who have sustained loss by fires which also consumed the Pont aux Changeurs, the Pont Marchant, and several homes nearby. An investigation is ordered and all "vagabonds" are prohibited from leaving the city. Also, the families who sustained losses will be housed and be given living expense for six months. ; Electronic reproduction ; 7, [1] p. ; 16 cm.
Account of the last battle fought by Henri, Comte de Berghe. Berghe, long a General of Spanish troops, came from one of the most illustrious families in Flanders. He served against the Hollanders. In 1629, however, he captured Vezel and was then defeated at Bois-le-Duc. Discontent with the Spanish government at that time, he resigned and defected to William, the Prince of Orange. ; Electronic reproduction ; 13 p.; 15 cm.
[380] p. ; Sometimes attributed to Roger Carr or Robert Cawdry--Cf. NUC pre-1956 imprints. ; Signatures: A8(-A1) B-2A8 (last leaf blank). ; Item at reel 1849:24 is improved copy over that found at reel 589:1. ; Reproduction of originals in the Folger Shakespeare Library and Harvard University Library.
This literature review examines the potential of collaborative art making as a tool to foster a sense of belonging in today's gender and sexual minority youth who identify as lesbian, gay, bisexexual, transgender and queer (LGBTQ). Living with a unique layer of minority stress, LGBTQ youth are at high risk for developing mental health issues such as depression, anxiety, and suicidal ideation due to ostracization and rejection from their families and communities. By reviewing the implementation of collaborative art making to bring together other marginalized groups across cultural backgrounds as well as the use of art making with LGBTQ youth for purposes such as political activism, community outreach and self advocacy, it is concluded that collaborative art making could be a useful method to combat thwarted belongingness and diminish resulting mental health issues. The author is a queer white millenial woman living in north eastern United States of America.
WappenbriefWappenbrief: Kaiser Friedrich III. verleiht Erasmus Remer und Jörg Kurz das Wappen der Rotenbucher. KaiserFriedrich [III.] verleiht (verleÿhen) mit wohlbedachtem Mut, gutem Rat und rechtem Wissen Erasmus Remer (Asuͤm Remer) und Jörg Kurz (Jorg Kurtz) sowie allen ehelichen Erben auf deren Bitten und aufgrund ihrer vergangenen und künftigen treuen Dienste am Kaiser, am Reich und am Haus Österreich sowie auf deren Bitte das durch das Aussterben der Familie Rotenbucher mit dem Tod desPeter Rotenbucher(Petter Rottenpuͤecher) ledig gewordene und heimgefallene (unns und dem reiche ledig worden und heimgefallen) Wappen (wappen und cleinet), wie es in der Mitte der Urkunde farbig eingemalt ist (in mitte diss gegenwertigen unnsers keyserlichen briefs gemalet und mit farben eigenntlicher auszgestrichen), nämlich in weißem Schild ein rotes Buchenlaub, belegt mit einem silbernen Kreuz; im Oberwappen ein Stechhelm mit rot-silbernen Helmdecken und einer goldenen Krone, darauf ein silberner geschlossener Flug, belegt mit dem roten Buchenlaub und dem silbernen Kreuz wie im Wappen (ein weÿsser schilde, darinn in ganntzem schild ein rott puͤchen lawb, und in mitte desselben lawbs ein weysses crewͦtzlin, und auf dem schilde einen helm, gezieret mit einer rotten und weissen helmdecken und einer gelben oder goldfarben crone, enndtspringende daraus zwo zugetan flug, darinne in mitte auch ein rott puͤchen lauͦb mit einem weÿssen crewͦtzlin als im schild) er ihnen die Zunamen Remer und Kurz sowie dem roten Buchenlaub am Schild das weiße Kreuz ab (tuͦn ab) er ihnen die Zunamen Remer und Kurz sowie dem roten Buchenlaub am Schild das weiße Kreuz ab (die vorgeschriben ire beid zuͦnamen Remer und Kurtz mitsampt dem gemelten weÿssen crewͦtzlin in dem rotten puͤchen lawͦb abgenomen und abgetan) und erlaubt (vergoͤnnen und erlawͦben) damit den Empfängern, sich fortan Rotenbucher zu nennen und zu schreiben. Er bestimmt (meinen, setzen und wellen), dass die Begünstigten und ihre Erben fortan sich selbst Rotenbucher nennen dürfen und von allen so genannt und geschrieben werden sollen, sowie dass sie das Wappen fortan in allen ehrlichen und redlichen Angelegenheiten und Geschäften (sachen und geschefften)zuͦ schimpf und zuͦ ernst, im Krieg, in Kämpfen, Lanzenstechen, Gefechten, auf Bannern, Zelten, Aufschlägen, in Siegeln, Petschaften, Kleinodien und bei Begräbnissen (in streitten, kempfen, gestechen, gefechten, panirn, gezelten, aufslagen, innsigln, pettschatten, cleineten, begrebdnussen) und auch sonst überall (an allen ennden) nach ihren Bedürfnissen und Wünschen (notdurfften und wolgefallen) führen dürfen, wie es andere seine und des Heiligen Römischen Reichs Wappengenossen durch Recht oder Gewohnheit (von recht oder gewonnheit) ungehindert tun. Er gebietet allen seinen und des Heiligen Römischen Reichs geistlichen und weltlichen Kurfürsten, Fürsten, Prälaten, Grafen, Freien, Herren, Rittern, Knechten, Hauptleuten, Amtleuten, Vizedomen, Vögten, Pflegern, Verwesern, Schultheißen, Bürgermeistern, Richtern, Räten, Wappenkönigen, Herolden, Persevanten, Bürgern und Gemeinden und auch sonst allen seinen, des Heiligen Römischen Reichs und der Erblande Untertanen und Getreuen aller Stände (in was wirden, stattes oder wesen die sein) unter Androhung schwerer Ungnade sowie einer Strafe von zwanzig Mark lötigen Goldes, die je zur Hälfte an die Reichskammer und an die Betroffenen zu zahlen ist, die Begünstigten und alle ehelichen Erben an der Führung und Benützung ihres Namens und Wappens nach den Bestimmungen der Urkunde (der vorgeschribner massen) nicht zu behindern. Die Urkunde beschadet nicht die ältere Führung identischer Wappen durch andere.Daniel Maier
Kopiale Überlieferung eines Adels- undWappenbriefWappenbriefs: Kaiser Friedrich III. erhebt Hans Ungelter in den Adelsstand und verleiht ihm ein Wappen. KaiserFriedrich III. begnadet (dise sondere gnade gethan unnd thue die) mit wohlbedachtem Mut, gutem Rat und rechtem Wissen seinen Türhüter (thürhüetter) Hans Ungelter den Jüngeren (Hannß Ungelter der Jünger), dessen VaterHans Ungelter den Älteren(Hansen Ungelter den Eltern) sowie alle Erben für die redliche Herkunft des Geschlechts der Ungelter (redlich erben, standt und wesen, darinnen die herkommen sein) sowie die vergangenen und künftigen treuen Dienste an Kaiser, Reich und am kaiserlichen Hof zur Belohnung (ergötzlicheit), indem er das Wappen (wappen und cleinete), wie es von der Familie bisher geführt wurde (bißher gefuehrt unnd gebraucht) und wie es in der Mitte der Urkunde farbig eingemalt ist (inn mitte diß gegenwürttigen unsers kaӱserlichen brieffs gemahlet und mit farben aigendtlicher außgestrichen), nämlich in einem roten Schild ein goldenes Antoniuskreuz, im Schildhaupt ein silberner Stern; im Oberwappen ein rechtsgewendeter silberner Turnierhelm mit goldener Krone und rot-goldenen Helmdecken, darauf zwei rote Büffelhörner, dazwischen ein goldenes Antoniuskreuz, darüber ein silberner Stern wie im Wappen (einen rothen schildte, darinnen von grundt auff biß in die mitte daß schiltes ein gelbes oder goldtfarbes kreitz, so man nennt thauw, steende darob ein weißer oder silberfarben stern, unnd auf dem schildte ein helm mit gelber oder goldtfarben unnd rother helmdeckhen geziehret, steende darauff zwischen zwaÿen püffelhörnner auch ein gelbes oder goldtfarbes creitz oder thauw, darob ein weißer oder silberfarben stern) verändert und bessert (verkheren, crönen, zieren, preßern [sic!]). Er gestattet (gönnen unnd erlauben) ihnen, das Wappen solchermaßen gebessert zu führen. Außerdem erhebt (erheben, würdigen, edelmachen, gleichen und zufüegen) er sie in den Adelsstand (in den . standt und zu der schare deß adels), sodass die Begünstigten und ihre Erben fortan als rittermäßige Leute genannt und geschrieben werden sollen, mit allen Freiheiten, Privilegien, Ehren, Würden, Vorteilen, Rechten, Gewohnheiten und Gerechtigkeiten in geistlichen und weltlichen Angelegenheiten sowie mit Lehens- und Gerichtsfähigkeit und der Befähigung, Urteile zu sprechen (lehen haben, halten und zutragen mit andern unser und deß reichs edlen rittermäßigen lehens- unnd wappensgenossen, leuten, lehen, gericht und recht zu besitzen, urtheile zu sprechen) und in allen anderen Angelegenheiten und Geschäften (sachen und geschäfften) würdig und tauglich zu sein. Sie sollen weiters das Wappen in allen ehrlichen, adeligen und ritterlichen Angelegenheiten und Geschäften (sachen und geschäfften)zu schimpff und zu ernste, im Krieg, in Kämpfen, Turnieren, Lanzenstechen, Gefechten, auf Bannern, Zelten, Aufschlägen, in Siegeln, Petschaften, Kleinodien und Begräbnissen (in streitten, kempffen, tornnieren, gestechen, gevechthen, panieren, gezelten, auffschlagen, insiglen, pittschafften, cleineten und begräbnußen) und auch sonst überall (an allen enden) nach ihrem Bedürfnis, Willen und Wunsch (notturfften, willen und wohlgefallen) führen, wie es andere Adelige und Wappengenossen durch ihre Ahnen, Väter oder ihr Geschlecht geerbt haben und durch Recht oder Gewohnheit (recht und gewonheit) ungehindert tun. Er gebietet allen seinen und des Heiligen Römischen Reichs geistlichen und weltlichen Kurfürsten, Fürsten, Prälaten, Grafen, Freien, Herren, Rittern, Knechten, Hauptleuten, Schultheißen, Bürgermeistern, Richtern, Räten, Wappenkönigen, Herolden, Persevanten, Bürgern und Gemeinden und auch sonst allen seinen und des Heiligen Römischen Reichs Untertanen und Getreuen aller Stände (in was würden, standts oder wesens die sein) unter Androhung schwerer Ungnade sowie einer Strafe von zwanzig Mark lötigen Goldes, die je zur Hälfte an die Reichskammer und an die Betroffenen zu zahlen ist, die Empfänger und alle Erben als rechtmäßige Ritter zu betrachten und ihre geistlichen und weltlichen Angelegenheiten sowie die Führung des gebesserten Wappens nach den Bestimmungen der Urkunde (der obberüerter massen) nicht zu behindern, noch dies irgendjemandem zu gestatten.Daniel Maier
6 figures, 6 tables.-- Supplementary material available. ; Coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID19), caused by SARS-CoV-2, is a complex disease, with a variety of clinical manifestations ranging from asymptomatic infection or mild cold-like symptoms to more severe cases requiring hospitalization and critical care. The most severe presentations seem to be related with a delayed, deregulated immune response leading to exacerbated inflammation and organ damage with close similarities to sepsis. ; [Methods]: In order to improve the understanding on the relation between host immune response and disease course, we have studied the differences in the cellular (monocytes, CD8+ T and NK cells) and soluble (cytokines, chemokines and immunoregulatory ligands) immune response in blood between Healthy Donors (HD), COVID19 and a group of patients with non-COVID19 respiratory tract infections (NON-COV-RTI). In addition, the immune response profile has been analyzed in COVID19 patients according to disease severity. ; [Results]: In comparison to HDs and patients with NON-COV-RTI, COVID19 patients show a heterogeneous immune response with the presence of both activated and exhausted CD8+ T and NK cells characterised by the expression of the immune checkpoint LAG3 and the presence of the adaptive NK cell subset. An increased frequency of adaptive NK cells and a reduction of NK cells expressing the activating receptors NKp30 and NKp46 correlated with disease severity. Although both activated and exhausted NK cells expressing LAG3 were increased in moderate/severe cases, unsupervised cell clustering analyses revealed a more complex scenario with single NK cells expressing more than one immune checkpoint (PD1, TIM3 and/or LAG3). A general increased level of inflammatory cytokines and chemokines was found in COVID19 patients, some of which like IL18, IL1RA, IL36B and IL31, IL2, IFNα and TNFα, CXCL10, CCL2 and CCL8 were able to differentiate between COVID19 and NON-COV-RTI and correlated with bad prognosis (IL2, TNFα, IL1RA, CCL2, CXCL10 and CXCL9). Notably, we found that soluble NKG2D ligands from the MIC and ULBPs families were increased in COVID19 compared to NON-COV-RTI and correlated with disease severity. ; [Conclusions:] Our results provide a detailed comprehensive analysis of the presence of activated and exhausted CD8+T, NK and monocyte cell subsets as well as extracellular inflammatory factors beyond cytokines/chemokines, specifically associated to COVID19. Importantly, multivariate analysis including clinical, demographical and immunological experimental variables have allowed us to reveal specific immune signatures to i) differentiate COVID19 from other infections and ii) predict disease severity and the risk of death. ; The authors would like to thank the Biobank of the Aragon Health System integrated in the Spanish National Biobanks Network and the Servicios Científico Técnicos de Citometria de Flujo del CIBA for their collaboration. Work in the JP laboratory is funded by the FEDER (Fondo Europeo de Desarrollo Regional, Gobierno de Aragón, Group B29_17R), Health National Institute Carlos III (COV20-00308), Aragón Government (Fondo COVID-19), Fundación Santander-Universidad de Zaragoza (Programa COVID-19), Agencia Estatal de Investigación (SAF2017-83120-C2-1-R; PID2020-113963RBI00), Fundación Inocente, ASPANOA and Carrera de la Mujer de Monzón. EMG is funded by Agencia Estatal de Investigación (SAF2017-83120-C2-1-R and PID2020-113963RB-I00). IUM and SH are supported by a PhD fellowship from Aragon Government, CP by a PhD fellowship from AECC, LS by a PhD fellowship (FPI) from the Ministry of Science, Innovation and Universities. DDM is supported by a postdoctoral fellowship 'Sara Borrell', and MA is supported by a postdoctoral fellowship 'Juan de la Cierva-incorporacion' from the Ministry of Science, Innovation and Universities. EM and BGT are supported by Rio Hortega contract. JP is supported by the ARAID Foundation. ; Peer reviewed
The M. H. Ross Papers contain information pertaining to labor, politics, social issues of the twentieth century, coal mining and its resulting lifestyle, as well as photographs and audio materials. The collection is made up of five different accessions; L2001-05, which is contained in boxes one through 104, L2002-09 in boxes 106 through 120, L2006-16 in boxes 105 and 120, L2001-01 in boxes 120-121, and L2012-20 in boxes 122-125. The campaign materials consist of items from the 1940 and 1948 political campaigns in which Ross participated. These items include campaign cards, posters, speech transcripts, news clippings, rally materials, letters to voters, and fliers. Organizing and arbitration materials covers labor organizing events from "Operation Dixie" in Georgia, the furniture workers in North Carolina, and the Mine-Mill workers in the Western United States. Organizing materials include fliers, correspondence, news articles, radio transcripts, and some related photos. Arbitration files consist of agreements, decisions, and agreement booklets. The social and political research files cover a wide time period (1930's to the late 1970's/early 1980's). The topics include mainly the Ku Klux Klan, racism, Communism, Red Scare, red baiting, United States history, and literature. These files consist mostly of news and journal articles. Ross interacted with coal miners while doing work for the United Mine Workers Association (UMWA) and while working at the Fairmont Clinic in West Virginia. Included in these related files are books, news articles, journals, UMWA reports, and coal miner oral histories conducted by Ross. Tying in to all of the activities Ross participated in during his life were his research and manuscript files. He wrote numerous newspaper and journal articles on history and labor. Later, as he worked for the UMWA and at the Fairmont Clinic, he wrote more in-depth articles about coal miners, their lifestyle, and medical problems they faced (while the Southern Labor Archives has many of Ross's coal mining and lifestyle articles, it does not have any of his medical articles). Along with these articles are the research files Ross collected to write them, which consist of notes, books, and newspaper and journal articles. In additional to his professional career, Ross was adamant about documenting his and his wife's family history in the oral history format. Of particular interest are the recordings of his interviews with his wife's family - they were workers, musicians, and singers of labor and folk songs. Finally, in this collection are a number of photographs and slides, which include images of organizing, coal mining (from the late 19th through 20th centuries), and Appalachia. Of note is a small photo album from the 1930s which contains images from the Summer School for Workers, and more labor organizing. A few audio items are available as well, such as Ross political speeches and an oral history in which Ross was interviewed by his daughter, Jane Ross Davis in 1986. All photographic and audio-visual materials are at the end of their respective series. ; Myron Howard "Mike" Ross was born November 9, 1919 in New York City. He dropped out of school when he was seventeen and moved to Texas, where he worked on a farm. From 1936 until 1939, Ross worked in a bakery in North Carolina. In the summer of 1938, he attended the Southern School for Workers in Asheville, North Carolina. During the fall of 1938, Ross would attend the first Southern Conference on Human Welfare in Birmingham, Alabama. He would attend this conference again in 1940 in Chattanooga, Tennessee. From 1939 to 1940, Ross worked for the United Mine Workers Non-Partisan League in North Carolina, working under John L. Lewis. He was hired as a union organizer by the United Mine Workers of America, and sent to Saltville, Virginia and Rockwood, Tennessee. In 1940, Ross ran for a seat on city council on the People's Platform in Charlotte, North Carolina. During this time, he also married Anne "Buddie" West of Kennesaw, Georgia. From 1941 until 1945, Ross served as an infantryman for the United States Army. He sustained injuries near the Battle of the Bulge in the winter of 1944. From 1945 until 1949, Ross worked for the International Union of Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers, then part of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO), as a union organizer. He was sent to Macon, Georgia, Savannah, Georgia and to Winston-Salem, North Carolina, where he worked with the United Furniture Workers Union. He began handling arbitration for the unions. In 1948, Ross ran for United States Congress on the Progressive Party ticket in North Carolina. He also served as the secretary for the North Carolina Progressive Party. Ross attended the University of North Carolina law school from 1949 to 1952. He graduated with honors but was denied the bar on the grounds of "character." From 1952 until 1955, he worked for the Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers as a union organizer, first in New Mexico (potash mines) and then in Arizona (copper mines). From 1955 to 1957, Ross attended the Columbia University School of Public Health. He worked for the United Mine Workers of America Welfare and Retirement Fund from 1957 to 1958, where he represented the union in expenditure of health care for mining workers. By 1958, Ross began plans for what would become the Fairmont Clinic, a prepaid group practice in Fairmont, West Virginia, which had the mission of providing high quality medical care for miners and their families. From 1958 until 1978, Ross served as administrator of the Fairmont Clinic. As a result of this work, Ross began researching coal mining, especially coal mining lifestyle, heritage and history of coal mining and disasters. He would interview over one hundred miners (coal miners). Eventually, Ross began writing a manuscript about the history of coal mining. Working for the Rural Practice Program of the University of North Carolina from 1980 until 1987, Ross taught in the medical school. M. H. Ross died on January 31, 1987 in Chapel Hill, North Carolina. ; Digitization of the M. H. Ross Papers was funded by the National Historical Publications and Records Commission.
Palestiinalaispakolaiset ovat eläneet pakolaisleireillä jo seitsemän vuosikymmentä. Heidän pakolaisuutensa juontuu vuodesta 1948, jolloin Israelin valtion perustamisen yhteydessä enemmistö alueen palestiinalaisesta väestöstä joutui pakenemaan kotiseuduiltaan. Vuosikymmenten aikana pakolaisleirit ovat tulleet osaksi Lähi-idän maisemaa, ja niillä on kasvanut ja elänyt jo useita palestiinalaissukupolvia. Leirien pitkästä historiasta huolimatta niitä on kuitenkin pidetty väliaikaisina; määritelmällisesti leiri on aina olemassa vain rajatun ajanjakson ja palestiinalaisten kansallisissa narratiiveissa, jotka painottavat paluuta Palestiinaan, niitä ei ole ajateltu pysyvinä asuinpaikkoina. Käytännössä leirit kuitenkin muodostavat olosuhteet, joissa palestiinalaispakolaiset elävät arkeaan ja rakentavat tulevaisuuttaan. Pitkän historiansa, ainutlaatuisen institutionaalisen viitekehyksen sekä palestiinalaisten poliittiseen kamppailuun linkittyvien merkitysten takia leirit luovat omanlaisensa puitteet niillä asuvien pakolaisten elämälle. Tässä tutkimuksessa en silti tarkastele vain leirejä itsessään vaan lähestyn niiden kautta sitä, miten niillä asuvat palestiinalaiset neuvottelevat tulevaisuudentoiveitaan. Tämä etnografiaan pohjaava tutkimus on toteutettu Libanonissa, Jordaniassa ja Länsirannalla usealla eri pakolaisleirillä. Valitsin monikenttäisen lähestymistavan sillä lähtöoletuksella, että pakolaisuuden konteksti vaikuttaa merkittävästi siihen, miten tulevaisuuksia kuvitellaan. Palestiinalaispakolaisten asemamassa onkin merkittäviä eroja näillä kolmella alueella: Libanonissa he elävät ilman kansalaisuutta ja sen tuomia oikeuksia, Jordaniassa enemmistö pakolaisista on samanaikaisesti sekä maan kansalaisia että pakolaisia ja Länsirannalla palestiinalaispakolaiset joutuvat muiden länsirantalaisten tavoin kohtaamaan Israelin väkivaltaisen miehityspolitiikan. Näiden kontekstuaalisten erojen ja niiden vaikutusten ymmärtäminen on ollut tutkimuksen keskiössä. Tutkimuksen lähtöoletuksena on lisäksi ontologisen hermeneutiikan mukaisesti se, että tulevaisuuden tarkastelu ei ole mahdollista ilman, että ymmärtää menneen, nykyisyyden ja näiden välisen suhteen. Tästä syystä käyn läpi eri kentillä asuvien palestiinalaisten historiaa ja etenen leirien nykyolosuhteiden tarkasteluun. Nämä ajallisuudet luovat pohjan pakolaisten tulevaisuudentoiveiden ymmärtämiselle. Palestiinalaispakolaisten historia on täynnä väkivaltaa, pakenemista ja jatkuvaa epävarmuutta, ja pakolaisleirit ovat tilana tiivistäneet pakolaisuuteen liittyvät vaikeudet niin historiallisesti kuin nykyäänkin. Materiaaliset olosuhteet, ahtaus, suhde ympäröivään paikkaan ja yhteisöön sekä leirin identiteetilliset ja poliittiset konnotaatiot ovat kaikki vaikuttaneet siihen, miten tähän tutkimukseen osallistuneet palestiinalaispakolaiset kokivat elinolosuhteensa. Leirien ei koettu pystyvän tarjoamaan toivottua elintasoa, mutta samanaikaisesti ne muodostivat merkityksellisen yhteisön, johon liitettiin useita positiivisia ominaisuuksia. Leirit muodostivat myös osan pakolaisten poliittista identiteettiä: ne muistuttivat niillä asuvien pakolaisuudesta ja muodostivat linkin Palestiinaan ja siten ylläpitivät vaatimusta paluuoikeudesta. Kuitenkin, näistä positiivisista puolista huolimatta, elettyinä tiloina leirit eivät pystyneet luomaan toivottuja puitteita arjelle. Tässä tutkimuksessa painottuu myös se, että Libanonissa, Jordaniassa ja Länsirannalla tarjolla olleet mahdollisuudet eivät useinkaan riittäneet toivotun tulevaisuuden saavuttamiseen. Maastamuutto olikin monelle tapa kuvitella parempaa tulevaisuutta niin itselle kuin perheelle, erityisesti Libanonissa ja Länsirannalla. Parempaa tulevaisuutta neuvoteltiin useita eri reittejä, ja tässä tutkimuksessa keskityn erityisesti koulutuksen, työn ja naimisiinmenon tarjoamiin mahdollisuuksiin. Vaikka myös kansalliset tulevaisuudet, Palestiina ja paluuoikeuden toteutuminen nousivat esiin näissä neuvotteluissa, ilmenivät ne kuitenkin abstraktimmalla tasolla ja eri aikajanalla, kuin tulevaisuudet, joilla haettiin parempia mahdollisuuksia saavuttaa henkilökohtaiset elämäntavoitteet ja helpotusta arjessa kohdattuihin vaikeuksiin. Palestiinalaispakolaisten tulevaisuuskäsitysten erityisyys on juuri henkilökohtaisen ja kansallisen tulevaisuuden välille muodostuvassa ristivedossa. Kansallisen narratiivin mukaan pakolaisten (erityisesti leireillä asuvien) oletetaan sisukkaasti odottavan paluuta, kestävän pakolaisuuden haasteet ja taistelevan kansallisten tavoitteiden puolesta. Samanaikaisesti pakolaiset kuitenkin pyrkivät parantamaan arkeaan, elinolosuhteitaan ja mahdollisuuksiaan tarjolla olevin keinoin. Etnografiassani painottui erityisesti tämä henkilökohtainen puoli ja se, että kansallisten tavoitteiden saavuttamisen ei koettu pystyvän tarjoamaan parannusta pakolaisuuden historian muovaamiin nykyolosuhteisiin riittävän nopealla aikataululla. Väitänkin, että henkilökohtaisten tulevaisuuksien ensisijaisuus heijastaa leireillä asuvien palestiinalaisten kohtaamia vaikeuksia: heidän asemansa ja tulevaisuutensa ei ole tarpeeksi turvattu, jotta he voisivat odottaa ja keskittyä kansallisten tavoitteiden ajamiseen. Sen sijaan palestiinalaispakolaiset ovat pakotettuja tarttumaan tällä hetkellä tarjolla oleviin vaihtoehtoihin ja pyrkimään niihin suuntiin, joissa mahdollisuudet parempaan elämään ovat tarjolla. ; Palestinian refugee camps have been housing Palestinians for seven decades. They were formed after 1948, when in the process of establishing Israel as a Jewish state the majority of Palestinians living in Mandatory Palestine were dispossessed. Over these decades, the camps have become a durable part of the Middle Eastern landscape, and several generations of refugees have already been born, and are living, in them. Despite the fact that Palestinian camps have also been framed as temporary, not only by definition but also in the national narratives stressing the right to return to Palestine, in practice the camps have become sites where lives are lived and futures built. Due to their long history, unique institutional framework, and strong connotation as centers of Palestinian political struggle, Palestinian refugee camps have their own specificities that affect how they frame the life of their dwellers. Yet, this dissertation is not an ethnography of the camps per se; the aim is rather to look through them in order to explore the manifold futures that are negotiated by the Palestinian refugees dwelling in them, and especially by those just reaching adulthood. This ethnographic study has been conducted in several refugee camps in Jordan, Lebanon, and the West Bank. A multi-sited approach was adopted with the presumption that the context of refugeeness affects the ways in which futures are imagined. Palestinian refugees have been positioned differently in these places: as stateless and excluded in Lebanon, as refugee-citizens in Jordan, and as being among their own people yet enduring the difficulties of the oppressive Israeli occupation in the West Bank. Understanding these contextual specificities in the different host sovereigns has hence been central to the aims of this work. In this dissertation I argue, in line with ontological hermeneutics, that it is not possible to explore the future without first addressing the differing pasts and present conditions of the refugees. Therefore, to understand these differing experiences of Palestinian refugees living under the three host sovereigns, I start by looking at the histories that form the present realities through which Palestinians look to, have hopes for, and plan for their futures. The histories of Palestinian refugeeness have witnessed violence, multiple displacements, and enduring uncertainty. In all the fields that were included in this research it was the camp that embodied the difficulties of being a refugee. The material living conditions, crowdedness, camp community, and relations with the surrounding area and society, as well as the identificational and political connotations, have all affected how the camps have been experienced as places of dwelling by my interlocutors. In many ways they were considered inadequate in terms of providing the hoped-for standards of living, yet simultaneously they formed a significant community that was viewed from a positive perspective, though more so in the West Bank and Jordan than in Lebanon. Nevertheless, while the camps functioned as a marker of Palestinian refugeeness, and were even equated with Palestine and the right of return, as everyday spatialities they left much to be desired. Similarly, this research shows that the possibilities available to the refugees under the host sovereigns were not usually enough for my interlocutors to achieve their aspirations. Hence many – especially in Lebanon and the West Bank, though for different reasons – have come to consider that emigration could fulfil their hopes and provide better conditions for them and their families. Better futures were negotiated via different routes – education, employment, and marriage being the ones explored here. While both return and the national future of Palestine also emerged in these negotiations, they were situated in a different, more abstract timeframe, not one that could provide better possibilities or enhancements in the deprived conditions faced in everyday life. The specificity of Palestinian refugees' negotiations on the future nevertheless emerges from this discrepancy between the national and the personal. On the level of national discourse, Palestinian refugees (especially those living in camps) are people steadfastly waiting for the return, enduring life in the camp and fighting for the national cause. However, on the level of the everyday, they are – as is anyone – aiming to improve their situation with the means available and, as became evident in my ethnography, in the present situation and in light of past experiences those means direct their attention somewhere other than to the political objectives they hold as Palestinian refugees. This, I claim, reflects the difficulties that Palestinian refugees living in the camps face: they are not in a secure enough position to have the luxury of "waiting out" or to concentrate on the political in its national manifestation. Rather, they are forced to negotiate the options at hand, to reach out in those directions where possibilities are available.