Colonialism is part of many European family histories. Photographs convey collective ideas about the colonial past. This book explores how and for what purpose colonial images were (re-)produced, used, and passed on through generations by soldiers and their families
"Dorothy Fujita-Rony's 'The Memorykeepers: Gendered Knowledges, Empires, and Indonesian American History' examines the importance of women's memorykeeping for two Toba Batak women whose twentieth-century histories span Indonesia and the United States, H.L.Tobing and Minar T. Rony. This book addresses the meanings of family stories and artifacts within a gendered and interimperial context, and demonstrates how these knowledges can produce alternate cartographies of memory and belonging within the diaspora. It thus explores how women's memorykeeping forges integrative possibility, not only physically across islands, oceans, and continents, but also temporally, across decades, empires, and generations. Thirty-five years in the making, 'The Memorykeepers' is the first book on Indonesian Americans written within the fields of US history, American Studies, and Asian American Studies"--
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"Civil society and civic engagement have increasingly become topics of discussion at the national and international level. The editors of this volume ask, does the concept of 'civil society' include gender equality and gender justice? Or, to frame the question differently, is civil society a feminist concept? Conversely, does feminism need the concept of civil society? This important volume offers both a revised gendered history of civil society and a program for making it more egalitarian in the future. An interdisciplinary group of internationally known authors investigates the relationship between public and private in the discourses and practices of civil societies; the significance of the family for the project of civil society; the relation between civil society, the state, and different forms of citizenship; and the complex connection between civil society, gendered forms of protest and nongovernmental movements. While often critical of historical instantiations of civil society, all the authors nonetheless take seriously the potential inherent in civil society, particularly as it comes to influence global politics. They demand, however, an expansion of both the concept and project of civil society in order to make its political opportunities available to all."--Back cover
China's rapid socio-economic development has achieved remarkable equalizing conditions between men and women in the aspects of health, education and labor force participation, but the glass ceiling phenomenon has become more prominent. The book develops a cross-disciplinary paradigm, with economics at its core, to better understand gender in China and women in management in the Chinese business context. The theoretical perspective integrates the knowledge and evidence from cognate disciplinary strands, such as economics, sociology, management studies, and the Chinese literature, into one unified framework. In-depth interviews with managers in China's largest enterprises complement the theoretical perspective with rich empirical details to examine women's managerial experiences and career choices. The book's argument sheds light on the power of stereotypes that specify women's roles in the family, organization, and society. It shows that understanding the socio-psychological and organizational dynamics of stereotyping in the Chinese context, as well as how Chinese women make career decisions, recognizing and deploying these expectations, provides new perspectives on the underrepresentation of women among business leaders in China. The book offers multi-disciplinary evidence on the economics of gender in China that is highly relevant for gender studies in general, and across a number of subject areas, and it can be used in any setting as an introductory reference
This article discusses election governance based on public participation with qualitative research methods, the approach used in case studies in West Nusa Tenggara (NTB) Province, the region is one of thirty-four province in Indonesia. Governance is an approach that is considered relevant, because election governance is its manifestation. The results show that the Regional of General Election Commission of NTB as the authority of election organizers succeeded in building a model of election governance based on public participation through three strategies, namely the movement to protect suffrage, family-based voter education, and voter education based on educational institutions. These three models are designed through three approaches, namely multi-stakeholder partnership, convergence, safety and public health of disaster areas. The methods of implementation include; short videos about elections, consistent use of mass media and continuous election classes. The impact of the public participation-based election governance model in NTB is that the number of public participation in 2019 Elections increased to 82 percent compared to 2014 Election of 77.32 percent where the model has not been implemented. The obstacles faced in building participatory-based election governance are two, namely; the issue of legitimacy provided by the Electoral Law and has not been made the education of voters as core business of General Commission Election, while voter education is an effective instrument in developing public participation. The solution is necessary to change article 3 and article 15 (Presiden Republik Indonesia, 2017) on the elections to include participation as the principle of organizing elections. In addition, voter education should be the core business from the national to the regions.
The connection between India Pakistan plummeted to its lowest levels in the late 1980s as the militancy was stepped up in Kashmir by Pakistan. This is not to agree that there have been patches of collaboration when peace efforts were made, particularly during the leadership of Rajiv Gandhi and Benazir Bhutto in observe to the Siachen, conflict. However, in general, the connection has been hostile and bitter. After the murder of Rajiv Gandhi and overthrow of Benazir, peace efforts were struggling to take off until I. K. Gujaral and Nawaz Sharif took charge. Hopes were raised on mutually sides of the border that the two prime ministers, being Punjabis, would welcome each other improved. Both took initiatives to resume the delayed talks and showed their decide to remove the barriers from Indo-Pakistani ties. In India, headship changed hands normally from the mid 1990s onwards. Pakistan was a bit stable under Nawaz Sharif who had shown the interest in humanizing relations with India. But with the coming one of the Bhartiya Janata Party to power In India, doubts were bound to be expressed in Pakistan. Though Atal Behari Vajpayee lasted only 11 days as Prime Minister, his next tenure in 1998 proved otherwise. This time, leading a alliance government, Vajpayee was solid in proving his critics, both in India and Pakistan, wrong by making honest efforts to improve the connection. Vajpayee tried to work out his family and external agendas in tandem. On the one hand in May 1998, he gave consent to check five nuclear devices in Pokhran and step up the missile programme, and on the other, he comprehensive his hand of familiarity to Pakistan. In return, Pakistan responded by explosion its first ever nuclear machine in the Chagai hills and carrying out a succession of missile tests. Amidst these developments Vajpayee also made a momentous bus trip to Lahore through the Wagah border and signed the Lahore statement there with Nawaz Sharif.