The analysis of the recent changes in the legislation concerning family rights and family policy in Poland contains two parts. The first one will reflect upon legal obligations of public authorities towards families stemming from the Constitution and legal acts. The second one is devoted to an analysis of the recent changes in family-related legal provisions and their evaluation in context of both human rights guarantees and the influence on the welfare of families. ; Olaf Szczypiński
Twenty-four letters and financial accounts created by members of the Crooke family, originally of Ulster County, N.Y. Collection includes six documents pertaining to the disposal of the estate of Charles Crooke, Jr., dated 1753-1767; one autograph letter, signed, from John Crooke to Martin S. Wilkins, dated Rhinebeck, July 27, 1807; twelve autograph letters, signed, of an official nature from John Crooke Jr. to Henry Livingston, then clerk of neighboring Dutchess county, ranging in dare from 1737-1750; three personal autograph letters, signed, from William Crooke to Peter E. Elmendorf, all dated Raritan, ranging from 1784-1790; two undated autograph letters, signed, from Rebecca Wickham Crooke to cousins Peter E. Elmendorf and a Mrs. Bleecker (probably Catherine Elmendorf Bleecker, b. 1747)-- the latter is a letter of introduction for Mrs. Jeremiah Reynolds. ; John Crooke, Jr. served as clerk of Ulster county from 1746-1759. Other members of the Crooke family were also prominent in Ulster county politics, especially in the town of Kingston. Robert Crooke (1717-1802) moved to Rhode Island, married Ann Wickham, and had a daughter, Rebecca Wickham Crooke.
This series consists of notepad pages kept by Anna Day in which she recorded business transactions with customers, kept notes of her own purchases, and listed names and addresses for a variety of people from all over the country. She recorded the addresses for businesses, such as the Redbook Corporation, from which a magazine subscription cost "$2.00 a year." For sales, she made note of specific items (ie. eggs or bread or yards of velveteen) and of particular services (ie. pasturing horses or sewing a shirt or serving a meal), their cost, and the totals for each transaction. Also included are the details of trades for goods (e.g. "a pipe for 5 blankets"), in addition to cash purchases. She kept notes from her own shopping as well, such as her payment for a watch in Denver: she listed its cost, its brand, the model number, and where she got it. She also mentioned book titles, and the names of "disc records" she bought for the gramophone. The journal she used is a small, top-flipping notebook from a company called "Mellin's Foods for Infants and Invalids." The pages are lined on one side and include advertising slogans at the top of each lined page.BIOGRAPHICAL NOTE The Day Family were Anglo Indian traders on the Navajo Reservation in eastern Arizona. The collection includes the personal and business papers of Sam Day, Sr. (1845-1925), surveyor, Indian trader, legislator, and United States Indian Commissioner; of Anna Day, Sam Sr.'s wife (1872-1932); and of their children, Charles L. Day (1879-1918) and Samuel Day, Jr. (1889-1944), United States deputy Marshall.
A ledger kept by the Day family of income and expenditures at the Thunderbird Trading Post.BIOGRAPHICAL NOTE Sam Day, Sr. (1845-1925) arrived in Arizona in 1883 to survey extensions to eastern and southern boundaries of the Navajo reservation for the federal government. At the time his wife, Anna, and their three boys Sam, Jr. (1889-1944), Charles Day (1879-1918) and William remained in Colorado. The family joined Sam, Sr. in Arizona, where they staked out a homestead at Cienaga (Sinagee). He was elected to the Arizona Territorial Legislature in 1906 and served two terms in the Arizona House. From 1920 until his death in 1925 he held the post of United States Indian Commissioner. Sam, Sr., moved from Sinagee in 1901. His Sinagee ranch became part of the St. Michaels Mission. He joined son Charlie at Bill Meadows trading post, but eventually moved to the mouth of Canyon de Chelly and with his sons, Sam, Jr. and William, established what was to become the famous Thunderbird Trading Post.
The twenty-fifth anniversary of the publication of Gary Becker's path-breaking Treatise on the Family provides an occasion to reexamine both the American family and family economics. We begin by discussing how families have changed in recent decades: the separation of sex, marriage, and childbearing; fewer children and smaller households; converging work and education patterns for men and women; class divergence in partnering and parenting strategies; and the replacement of what had been family functions and home production by government programs and market transactions. After discussing recent work in family economics that attempts to explain these changes, we point out some challenging areas for further analysis, and highlight issues of commitment in two primary family relationships: those between men and women, and those between parents and children. We conclude by discussing the effectiveness of policies to target benefits to certain family members (e.g., children) or to promote marriage and fertility.
Our two page briefs are designed to provide a snapshot of key terms and definitions, legislation, services and research towards preventing family violence. The briefs are provided in PDF format. To access this information in additional accessible formats, please email monashgfv@gmail.com Access more of our research briefs on our website at: https://arts.monash.edu/gender-and-family-violence/research-briefs
One of the more valuable contributions of Peter Rossi's article is to remind us of the critical role that shelters play in defining and responding to the problem of homeless families. As Rossi points out, shelters help form our conceptualization of the problem-what kinds of families are homeless and why as well as their number. Perhaps more important, increasingly sophisticated shelters have come to define our policy response to family homelessness. Rossi reports that the number of family shelters soared throughout the middle and late 1980s and that they changed from simply providing a roof and food in an emergency to also providing social, medical, and psychological services for longer periods in more private quarters. And the future promises much more of the same. If the Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) follows the suggestions its Assistant Secretary for Community Planning made for New York City, the Clinton homeless family policy will likely center around shelters (New York Commission on the Homeless, 1992). Here we want to extend Rossi's emphasis on the role of shelters in dealing with family homelessness. We make two arguments. One, shelters define the problem of family homelessness and therefore a particular conception of that problem. Two, shelters act to select from the population of poor families those who are worst off in some ways (housing, income, managing their lives, drug or alcohol addictions) and least able or willing to cope with circumstances other poor families do handle. We then explain that one reason why shelters play this role is because the ratio of "worst off, least able" poor families to the total number of poor families is so small that a device is needed to identify these families. Shelters are such a device. In the final section, we fill a lacuna in Rossi's causal analysis with a few ideas as to why shelter growth exploded in the mid-1980s and we explain our disagreement with Rossi's major policy suggestions. Because shelters house such a small proportion of all poor families and because few families stay sheltered very long, Rossi's recommendations are a very inefficient way to end homelessness. Also, the amounts of money entailed in his proposals are so large they are unlikely to be appropriated; and if lesser amounts are appropriated, they are unlikely, absent targeting, to reach families apt to become homeless.
Clarke obtained a job at the Government [printing] Office; Brief mention by author of receiving "scale of prices" from officer of the Union; Ned Allen, a returning soldier, accused of theft.
Willie is lobbying for a position for his father within the Government Printing Office, however, conditions are unfavorable at that office; Willie is expecting a child and is having a conflict with his mother.
