Suchergebnisse

The United States Department of Agriculture ("USDA") defines a farmers' market as "a multi-stall market at which farmer-producers sell agricultural products directly to the general public at a central or fixed location, particularly fresh fruit and vegetables (but also meat products, dairy products, and/or grains)."[1] The recent resurgence in the popularity of farmers' markets represents a return to days past where local producers were the predominant source for fresh produce and agricultural goods. With the most farmers' markets of any state,[2] California has a large interest in the success of its farmers' markets. In furtherance of this interest, California endeavors to protect its farmers' markets from fraud.[3] Prior to 2015, California had one of the strictest farmers' market regulatory programs in the United States.[4] Even so, the California legislature decided that more needed to be done in order to prevent farmers' market fraud and on September 26, 2014 enacted Assembly Bill 1871 ("A.B. 1871").[5] The primary function of this Note is to analyze A.B. 1871 and develop an understanding of the California model for regulation of farmers' markets. This model will be compared to the approaches taken by New York and Michigan (states with the second and third most farmers' markets)[6] to develop a greater understanding of the various approaches to farmers' market regulation. The goal of this Note is to serve as a policy guide for farmers' market regulation. Following this introduction, this Note will proceed in six parts. Part I will discuss the recent history of farmers' markets with a particular emphasis on the economic and social impact that farmers' markets have on the communities in which they operate. Part II addresses the nature of farmers' market fraud and some general ways that states and farmers' market vendors and operators combat fraud. Part III will provide a comprehensive analysis of A.B. 1871 and its components. Part IV will provide a comparative analysis of the regulatory approaches taken by New York and Michigan. Part V outlines four general factors for states to consider before enacting statewide regulations for farmers' markets. Finally, Part VI concludes with guidance on state policy regarding regulation of farmers' markets.[1] What is a Farmers' Market?, USDA Food & Nutrition Serv., (May 27, 2015), http://www.fns.usda.gov/ebt/what-farmers-market. This Note will adhere to this definition of "farmers' market," and any reference to "farmers' market," unless specifically stated otherwise, is intended to reference this definition. [2] National Farmers Market Directory, USDA Agric. Mktg. Serv., http://search.ams.usda.gov/farmersmarkets/ (last visited February 1, 2015). As of January 2015, California had over 760 farmers' markets registered with the USDA. The USDA's Agricultural Marketing Service ("AMS") collects farmers' market information and numbers through voluntarily submitted data. Id.[3] For the purposes of this Note, farmers' market "fraud" indicates whenever a vendor sells something that the vendor did not produce, cultivate, or harvest himself/herself and/or a vendor misrepresents something as being from a local area. A discussion on the nature of farmers' market fraud is contained infra, Part II.[4] Samuel R. Wiseman, Emerging Issues in Food Law: Fraud in the Market, 26 Regent U. L. Rev. 367, 386 (2013-2014) (discussing California's previous system of farmers' market regulation).[5] A.B. 1871, 2014 Cal. State Assemb., Reg. Sess. (Cal. 2014).[6] National Farmers Market Directory, supra note 2.

PurposeDespite the progressive values espoused by farmers' market patrons, markets have been shown to be exclusive to low-income people of color. This paper examines a particular food security program at a farmers market to ask how social embeddedness and moral economy can be incorporated to dignify underrepresented groups at the market.Design/methodology/approachThis case study uses an embeddedness framework to analyze the design of a community-oriented food security program at a farmers market.FindingsSocial embeddedness contributed to the success of the program in a number of meaningful ways: face-to-face community outreach reached target populations at a human level, and engendered spontaneous support from organizations with shared values. Graphics and text used in marketing material can make transparent the moral economy of the market. However, as soon as social embeddedness is legitimized within a program design, suppressed tensions emerge that are associated with the perceived dichotomy between academic, technically-oriented professionals and on-the-ground community members. In particular, the selection of personnel from the community itself led to interpersonal tensions as well as technical difficulties.Research limitations/implicationsThe analysis proceeds from an administrative point of view, and does not include direct interviews with market attendees or vendors.Practical implicationsThe findings suggest that long-term support is necessary for the implementation of socially embedded food security programs, so that personnel can build trust and technical competence over time.Originality/valueThis paper offers solutions to the limitations of farmers markets as sites for food security programs, and uniquely contextualizes policy administration in a social embeddedness lens.

"Our sympathies have led to a farm policy that is neither sensible nor efficient. Government intervention itself is the farmer's main handicap. Market- oriented policies offer the best hope of restoring prosperity to the nation's farmers."

PurposeFarmers markets act as a nexus between farmers, community members and social values, and can foster significant community and environmental benefits. However, some of these benefits, including agricultural sustainability, are rarely measured or publicized, restricting the full potential of markets and their associated actors to generate public benefits. This study aims to consider how markets, planners and policymakers might address this gap to promote a healthy environment and climate change mitigation.Design/methodology/approachIn this article, the authors discuss their efforts to advance the above opportunity by developing, in collaboration with 20 farms across the USA, a citizen science data collection tool that measures and translates farm "ecosystem services" into accessible, public-facing formats to support informed farmer and consumer decision-making.FindingsThe authors present takeaways from exploratory interviews with three farmer-collaborators, which illustrate how tools like ours can help farmers in myriad ways: setting benchmarks to measure on-farm improvement over time, legitimizing their work through scientific grounding, communicating environmental impacts to public audiences, increasing sales to fund sustainability efforts, gaining competitive edge and others.Practical implicationsMore broadly, the article exemplifies how marketplaces can strengthen symbiotic linkages between individuals, community allies and social goals through data measurement and communication, and reflects on how planners and policymakers might support these connections to advance public purposes.Originality/valueThis research responds uniquely to a critical need identified by practitioners and academics to expand understanding and awareness of the ecosystem services farms provide.

Markets past -- New markets -- The Bloomington Farmers' market -- Market customers -- Market growers -- Market generations -- New farms, new farmers -- Market futures

The Cuban Revolution has generated remarkable social achievements through a unique style of people-centered development. However, economic productivity has remained low, and for much of the Revolution agriculture has strongly revolved around the cultivation of sugarcane. The fall of the Soviet Union caused severe hardships in Cuba, leading to contractions in the economy and decreases in food imports. The government responded to these circumstances through measures like promoting tourism and foreign direct investment, legalizing the U.S. dollar, permitting self-employment, and creating farmers markets in which supply and demand determined prices. While during the 1990's these were regarded as temporary actions to meet needs, President Raul Castro has sought to change the structure of Cuba's socialist model. The 2011 Sixth Conference of the Communist Party marked a turning point in the reform process and stressed decentralization the economy, achieving higher economic productivity, and moving away from notions of egalitarianism. Castro noted that "updating" the Cuban economy could not occur overnight, and that implementing the revised model would take at least five years. This thesis examines how recent economic reforms to decentralize the economy have affected the lives of individuals. I utilize farmers markets as a case study of these reforms and ask: What do the experiences of sellers and buyers in farmers markets indicate about the larger process of change in Cuba? To examine this question, during 2016 I conducted ethnographic interviews with market sellers and potential buyers in the cities of Havana and Santiago over a period of nearly two months. When comparing the markets where entrepreneurs sold to those operated by the state, I found that entrepreneurs consistently offered a wider range of higher quality products, but at elevated prices (three times state levels in Havana, and two times in Santiago). These prices were unaffordable for many individuals, yet particularly affected the elderly and those without remittances. While farmers markets are beneficial in terms of making produce available, not all can purchase what they need. Interviews showed that the quality and variety of entrepreneurs' produce resulted from possessing autonomy in decision-making, feeling a sense of ownership, and knowing that their efforts would yield tangible results. While market sellers worked as entrepreneurs because it offered necessary financial benefits, at the same time sellers highlighted that socialism possessed various merits. General participants in this study utilized a wide range of strategies to fulfill their needs, and often described these strategies through the terms "invent" (inventar) or "resolve" (resolver). Although food is where the low purchasing power of the Cuban peso is most problematic, other basic necessities also result costly. However, not all Cubans face the same realities. This was demonstrated by the manner in which interviewees viewed the ration book- while some no longer used their monthly allotments, for others they continued to play a significant role in satisfying food needs. One participant went so far as to say that certain people would starve if rations were removed. Overall, this study finds that individuals perceive the changes occurring in Cuba to be gradual, and mostly restricted to the economic realm. While socialism remains important, some interviewees were inclined towards pragmatism. They were much more concerned with whether government policies would improve their quality of life, than if these policies were socialist or capitalist per se. Although economic reforms have produced gains for some, ensuring the well-being of all Cubans will require additional updating of the economy in the coming years.

Farmers' markets in the United States are structured in various ways. Even those once‐or‐twice‐a‐week markets that remain outside of the mass production and distribution system by requiring that all goods sold be produced by the seller take two distinct forms. The varieties of produce sold, the number of choices offered customers, the prices charged, the age and income expectations of the sellers, the rules the sellers obey and the role of the sellers in writing and enforcing those rules are consistent within each type of informal, American farmers' markets but are quite different between the two types.

The Western as a Hollywood film genre was born in and of California, as was I. This piece was "triggered" by a memory of an encounter with John Wayne in a market as a young child. Recognizing how (Western) stories can hold us in their grip, this is the beginning of a larger project of deconstructing my Western narrative to perform new articulations into being. I use the question, "Why don't I speak Spanish?" as the entry point to begin to unravel the tangled legacy of colonialism in California (and the United States) and to locate my body within it. This is a performance (auto)ethnography that combines bricolage with ethnodrama in the form of a screenplay. In this way, I highlight and echo the mediated, filmic origin of the mythical West(ern).

Exploring the Architecture of Place in America's Farmers Markets draws attention to the simple but elusive architectural space of public and farmers markets. It discusses three seminal types of marketsheritage building, open-air pavilion, and pop-up canopydemonstrating the characteristics of each type using a mixture of narrative and illustration. The narrative combines historically informed architectural observation with interview material drawn from conversations the author has had over the years with market managers, vendors, and shoppers. The illustrations include an appealing variety of photos, diagrams, and drawings that enabled the author to view each market through an architectural lens based on eight scales of measurethe hand, the container, the person, the stall, a grouping of stalls, the street, the block, and the market's situation within the neighborhood. Some of the architectural elements discussed include walls that layer, openings that frame, roofs that encompass, and niches that embrace. While each of the case studies illustrates shared characteristics of one of the architectural typologies, each farmers market is distinct in the specific ways it reflects the local culture and environment. Ultimately, in viewing markets through these three types and eight scales of measure we are able to better appreciate how farmers markets foster social interaction and community engagement. The book concludes with a broad look at the way of life and living that public and farmers markets have spawned, while looking ahead to what the author sees as an emerging new typology the mobile market which takes the bounty of local farmers to neighborhoods underserved with fresh healthy food, and otherwise known as food deserts. Market vendors speak enthusiastically about the qualitative benefits that farming life allows, and the greater good their individual choice provides for the general public and region. Likewise, a spectrum of governmental, commerce and community leaders champion the economic development farmers markets catalyze through allied business development and civic commitment. ; Publication of this book was supported by Virginia Tech through the TOME Open Monograph Initiative.

Nesh (pronounced "Naysh") Dhillon is operations manager for the Santa Cruz Community Farmers' Markets, which include locations in downtown and Westside Santa Cruz, Live Oak, Felton, and (added in 2009, after this oral history was recorded) Scotts Valley. All operate open year-round except the Felton market, which is open May through October.Dhillon's parents both grew up poor—his father in a farming family in northern India, his mother in rural Oregon—but with a preference for fresh, nutritious foods, which they passed on to their son. A high-school education at a Jesuit institution in Portland, Oregon, instilled in the young Dhillon a deep concern for ethical behavior, cooperation, and justice—values that, he says, have also informed his career choices. Initially aiming toward medical school, he shifted direction when he discovered sustainable agriculture at the University of Oregon. After a stint of post-graduation employment in bars and restaurants on the Oregon coast, he relocated to Santa Cruz, where he joined the staff of a local winery before taking a job as assistant manager for the farmers' market in 2000, eventually moving into the operations manager position.In this oral history, conducted by Sarah Rabkin on Thursday, November 20, 2008, at Rabkin's home in Soquel, California, Dhillon discussed the emergence of the Santa Cruz Community Farmers' Market out of the rubble of the 1989 Loma Prieta earthquake; the market's growth and evolution over the ensuing two decades, and the pleasures and challenges of managing year-round farmers' markets in an agriculturally rich, socially diverse, sometimes politically contentious community.

Nesh (pronounced "Naysh") Dhillon is operations manager for the Santa Cruz Community Farmers' Markets, which include locations in downtown and Westside Santa Cruz, Live Oak, Felton, and (added in 2009, after this oral history was recorded) Scotts Valley. All operate open year-round except the Felton market, which is open May through October. Dhillon's parents both grew up poor—his father in a farming family in northern India, his mother in rural Oregon—but with a preference for fresh, nutritious foods, which they passed on to their son. A high-school education at a Jesuit institution in Portland, Oregon, instilled in the young Dhillon a deep concern for ethical behavior, cooperation, and justice—values that, he says, have also informed his career choices. Initially aiming toward medical school, he shifted direction when he discovered sustainable agriculture at the University of Oregon. After a stint of post-graduation employment in bars and restaurants on the Oregon coast, he relocated to Santa Cruz, where he joined the staff of a local winery before taking a job as assistant manager for the farmers' market in 2000, eventually moving into the operations manager position. In this oral history, conducted by Sarah Rabkin on Thursday, November 20, 2008, at Rabkin's home in Soquel, California, Dhillon discussed the emergence of the Santa Cruz Community Farmers' Market out of the rubble of the 1989 Loma Prieta earthquake; the market's growth and evolution over the ensuing two decades, and the pleasures and challenges of managing year-round farmers' markets in an agriculturally rich, socially diverse, sometimes politically contentious community.