Federal-State Relations
In: Public administration review: PAR, Band 17, Heft 4, S. 225
ISSN: 1540-6210
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In: Public administration review: PAR, Band 17, Heft 4, S. 225
ISSN: 1540-6210
In: African affairs: the journal of the Royal African Society, Band 80, Heft 320, S. 355-378
ISSN: 1468-2621
In: Public administration review: PAR, Band 17, S. 225-230
ISSN: 0033-3352
In: Forthcoming, University of Chicago Law Review, Vol. 90, No. 6, 2023
SSRN
In: Policy studies journal: an international journal of public policy, Band 14, S. 296-304
ISSN: 0190-292X
United States. Partial contents: State powers and current relations; Fiscal relationships; Land acquisition for public purposes; Land use controls.
In: Policy studies journal: an international journal of public policy, Band 14, Heft 3, S. 296, 305
ISSN: 0190-292X
In: The quarterly journal of administration, Band 23, Heft 3-4, S. 109-127
ISSN: 0001-8333
Beziehungen zwischen Bundesstaaten und Zentralregierung sind seit der Unabhängigkeit gekennzeichnet durch finanzielle Abhängigkeit der Bundesstaaten sowie eine ständige Einmischung der Zentralregierung in Angelegenheiten, die eigentlich den Bundesstaaten vorbehalten sind. Diskussion allgemeiner Probleme des Föderalismus; zeitgeschichtliche Periodisierung: 1954-66; 1966-79; 1979-89. (DÜI-Wsl)
World Affairs Online
In: Policy studies journal: the journal of the Policy Studies Organization, Band 14, Heft 2, S. 296-304
ISSN: 1541-0072
In: Social service review: SSR, Band 28, Heft 2, S. 126-136
ISSN: 1537-5404
There is little in the recorded history of the American Law Institute's Federal Securities Code to indicate that a major rearrangement of regulatory responsibilities between the federal government and the states was a primary object. Milton Cohen's thoughtful article "Truth in Securities" Revisited,I probably the principal catalyst of the codification project, described a new world of securities regulation involving coordinated disclosure and continuous reporting, without any mention of federal-state relations or the blue sky laws. Indeed, when the American Bar Association's Committee on Federal Regulation of Securities first discussed the project in 1966, a suggestion that concurrent consideration be given to preemption of state law was dismissed as politically infeasible. The Ninety-Sixth Congress has begun what may prove to be a lengthy process of hearings and deliberations on the American Law Institute's Federal Securities Code. This monumental codification project, already ten years in the works, was undertaken with the greatest degree of care and scholarship by persons whose expertise in the field is unsurpassed"' and deserves considerable deference in the legislative process.
BASE
In: State Government: journal of state affairs, Band 44, S. 12-16
ISSN: 0039-0097
In: University casebook series
"This casebook provides ... coverage of federal courts and the law of federal-state relations. The authors have completely reorganized the chapter on the law of habeas corpus (chapter VII) to take account of recent developments in the field and to provide more manageable coverage of this difficult subject. Additionally, important new decisions are noted throughout. The 9th edition is up-to-date through December 2017"--
In: California journal of politics and policy, Band 6, Heft 1, S. 1-15
ISSN: 1944-4370
In: Trends in Southeast Asia, 2020, issue 12
On 9 May 2018, Malaysia's Barisan Nasional (BN) government lost the country's 14th general election (GE14). Replacing it was the Pakatan Harapan (PH) coalition, made up of four parties, three of which had had experience cooperating with each other for a decade, namely Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR), the Democratic Action Party (DAP) and Parti Amanah Negara (Amanah). The fourth was the new Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia (PPBM) led by Dr Mahathir Mohamad. The election also saw equally significant changes at the state government level. PH now controlled seven states in total, up from two, while BN went from controlling ten states to retaining but two. PAS regained Terengganu and with its control over Kelantan now held the two East Coast states. The Sabah state government, held by Parti Warisan Sabah (Warisan) aligned itself with PH, while the Sarawak state government chose to stick with BN. As many as ten of the sixty promises listed in the PH 2018 election manifesto related to federalism and Sabah and Sarawak, an indication of the growing importance of these two states (and of state issues more generally). The PH administration's two significant set-ups were the Special Select Committee on States and Federal Relations and the Special Cabinet Committee on the Malaysia Agreement 1963 (MA63). Serious attempts were made to address concerns by both committees, with achievements being more visible in the Special Cabinet Committee on MA63, possibly due to the greater attention given on Sabah and Sarawak. Issues brought up within the Parliamentary Special Select Committee were not substantively addressed. PH's time in power saw how states aligned to it maintained a smooth working relationship with the federal government. What was more interesting to note was that even non-PH aligned states such as Kelantan, Terengganu and Perlis also received favourable attention from the federal government. Federal-state relations were much more aggressively tackled under the PH government than under any other preceding administration.
In: Trends in Southeast Asia 2020, issue 12
On 9 May 2018, Malaysia's Barisan Nasional (BN) government lost the country's 14th general election (GE14). Replacing it was the Pakatan Harapan (PH) coalition, made up of four parties, three of which had had experience cooperating with each other for a decade, namely Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR), the Democratic Action Party (DAP) and Parti Amanah Negara (Amanah). The fourth was the new Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia (PPBM) led by Dr Mahathir Mohamad. The election also saw equally significant changes at the state government level. PH now controlled seven states in total, up from two, while BN went from controlling ten states to retaining but two. PAS regained Terengganu and with its control over Kelantan now held the two East Coast states. The Sabah state government, held by Parti Warisan Sabah (Warisan) aligned itself with PH, while the Sarawak state government chose to stick with BN. As many as ten of the sixty promises listed in the PH 2018 election manifesto related to federalism and Sabah and Sarawak, an indication of the growing importance of these two states (and of state issues more generally). The PH administration's two significant set-ups were the Special Select Committee on States and Federal Relations and the Special Cabinet Committee on the Malaysia Agreement 1963 (MA63). Serious attempts were made to address concerns by both committees, with achievements being more visible in the Special Cabinet Committee on MA63, possibly due to the greater attention given on Sabah and Sarawak. Issues brought up within the Parliamentary Special Select Committee were not substantively addressed. PH's time in power saw how states aligned to it maintained a smooth working relationship with the federal government. What was more interesting to note was that even non-PH aligned states such as Kelantan, Terengganu and Perlis also received favourable attention from the federal government. Federal-state relations were much more aggressively tackled under the PH government than under any other preceding administration.