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Despite attempts by the government, non-governmental organizations and various institutions to achieve gender equality in South Africa, major challenges remain. Femicide, rape, abuse, gender-based violence and discrimination towards females are all symptoms of a gender unequal society, but is not a comprehensive list of the reality of gender inequality. Education institutions, with teachers in the front lines, play a crucial role in transforming the attitudes, perceptions and practice of gender, which leads to many of the gender-based challenges. With a theoretical and conceptual framework of gender as a social construction, socialization and critical pedagogy, this qualitative case study research explores the teachers' role in addressing gender-based challenges, in four primary schools in Cape Town. The teachers' experiences of addressing gender-based challenges in school, as well as the practical and pedagogical obstacles and challenges they face in doing so, lay the foundation for exploring to what extent teachers have capacity and competence to be drivers for change towards gender equality. The findings illustrate that the gender-based challenges in the classrooms are closely linked to the patterns of different social expectations towards girls and boys. Particularly, the expectations towards boys as fulfilling the "masculine" role has been viewed as an obstacle related to gender-based violence, bullying towards boy learners who do not conform to the stereotypical masculine role, and disrespectful attitudes towards female teachers. Through dialogue and practical lessons, some teachers engage learners in critical discussions, questioning the stereotypes and expectations towards gender roles. The findings indicate that female teachers to a greater extent address the gender-based challenges than male teachers, and seem to be more dedicated in doing so. By examining the pedagogical approaches applied by some of the teachers, this study argues that classrooms are a location of possibility to challenge and transform the attitudes, perceptions and practice of gender roles which often lead to gender-based challenges. ; publishedVersion

Acknowledgements -- Introduction -- Theoretical discussions of gender and violence -- Coercive control as a framework for responding to male partner abuse in the UK : opportunities and challenges / Evan Stark -- What's in a name? : the scottish government, feminism and the gendered framing of domestic abuse / Nancy Lombard and Nel Whiting -- On the limits of typologies : understanding young men's use of violence in intimate relationships / David Gadd and Mary-Louise Corr -- Male victims : control, coercion, and fear? / Emma Williamson, Karen Morgan and Marianne Hester -- Domestic violence in lesbian, gay, bisexual and/or transgender relationships / Becky Barnes and Catherine Donovan -- Specific forms, representations of, and responses to, gendered violence -- The implications of pornification : pornography, the mainstream and false equivalences / Karen Boyle -- Statutory response to sexual violence : where doubt is always considered reasonable / Deborah White and Lesley McMillan -- Stalking as a gender based violence / Katy Proctor -- Cyber-trolling as symbolic violence : deconstructing gendered abuse online / Karen Lumsden and Heather M. Morgan -- The relationship between disability and domestic abuse / Jenna P. Breckenridge -- Child contact as a weapon of control / Kirsteen Mackay -- Defining femicide / Karen Ingala-Smith -- "Lad culture" and sexual violence against students / Alison Phipps -- Violence against older women / Hannah Bows -- Female genital mutilation : a form of gender based violence / Judy Wasige and Ima Jackson -- Gender and trafficking of children and young people into, within and out of England / Patricia Hynes -- Prostitution and violence / Natasha Mulvihill -- Conducting research on gendered violence -- Lost in translation? comparative and international work on gender-related violence / Gigi Guizzo, Pam Alldred and Mireia Foradada-Villar -- Methodological challenges of working with police data / Maureen Taylor -- Researching gender based violence with minoritised communities in the UK / Khatidja Chantler -- "Guys! stop doing it!" : young women's adoption and rejection of safety advice when socializing in bars, pubs, clubs and implications for future campaigns / Oona Brooks -- "Thinking and doing" : children's and young people's understandings and experiences of intimate partner violence and abuse (IPVA) / Christine Barter and Nancy Lombard -- Making our feelings matter : using creative methods to re-assemble the rules on healthy relationships education in Wales / Libby, Georgia, Chloe, Courtney, Olivia and Rhiannon with Emma Renold

The #MeToo movement, from its creation by activist Tarana Burke back in 2006 to its explosion on social media during the 2017 Harvey Weinstein sexual assault allegations, has continuously propagated images of gendered resistance from around the globe. In South Korea, Poland, Mexico, Bangladesh, and more, large numbers of women protest a variety of gendered topics: from unjust rulings in cases of domestic violence, to the lack of reproductive rights, to femicide, to inaction by law enforcement on cases of stalking, harassment, or sexual assault, and more. These images clearly demonstrate that public resistance is dominated by women, even in societies that are seen to traditionally subjugate women—though this is not new, and women have always been involved in resistance even when there was no way to document their participation. However, in countries where conservative institutions, public opinion, and government policy that contribute to gender inequality are paired with punitive action for opposition, women face a higher risk of being punished, ostracized, or brutalized for their resistance. In Thailand, a military state with perhaps the strictest lèse majesté laws in the world, activists are frequently fined, imprisoned, kept under surveillance, disappeared, or forced to flee. Despite this, Thailand experiences frequent surges of public resistance, dominated by youth and overwhelmingly by women. Since February 2020, a large portion of the Thai population, consisting primarily of students, has taken to public demonstrations demanding a fair democracy and constitutional reform, joined together in exasperation over an uncertain future, a crippling economy, an untouchable elite, and a rigged election. In this now years-long movement, fueled by global support and sophisticated protest tactics learned from watching Hong Kong, we observe the inclusion of gendered protest topics and demands by Thai women and girls. This paper demonstrates how Thai women utilize the movement to demand progress in gendered areas by examining examples taken throughout the 2020 pro-democracy protest movement, with the overall objective of contributing to understanding the relationship between public resistance and feminism.

Introduction : a return to news normalcy? /by Mickey Huff and Andy Lee Roth --The top Censored stories and media analysis of 2020-21 /compiled and edited by Steve Macek, Analisa Chudzik, and Andy Lee Roth.Prescription drug costs set to become a leading cause of death for elderly Americans ;Journalists investigating financial crimes threatened by global elites ;Historic wave of wildcat strikes for workers' rights ;"Climate debtor" nations have "colonized" the atmosphere ;Microplastics and toxic chemicals increasingly prevalent in world's oceans ;Canary mission blacklists pro-Palestinian activists, chilling free speech rights ;Google's union-busting methods revealed ;Pfizer bullies South American governments over COVID-19 vaccine ;Police use dogs as instruments of violence, targeting people of color ;Activists call out legacy of racism and sexism in forced sterilization ;Seed sovereignty movements challenge corporate monopolies ;Grave threats to Amazon rainforest from domestic industries and global capital ;Corporate media sideline health experts during pandemic ;US factory farming a breeding ground for next pandemic ;Thousands of 5G satellites pose risk of future space wars ; Femicide census connects UK killings with global wave of violence against women ;New wave of independent news sources demonetized by Google-owned YouTube ;"Collision of crises" for black and brown survivors of sexual violence during COVID-19 ;European demand for biomass energy propels destruction of US forests ;Proposed domestic terrorism legislation imperils civil liberties ;Conservative Christian groups spend globally to promote anti-LGBTQ campaigns ;Dataminr introduces racial bias, stereotypes in policing of social media ;Coastal darkening threatens ocean food chains ;Juvenile justice reform remains elusive ;Abusers benefiting from international anti-abduction treaty --Déjà vu news : what happened to previous Censored stories /Shealeigh Voitle, Griffin Curran, Rachael Schwanebeck, and Steve Macek --TikToking our return to a new normalcy : shrinking attention spans, pervasive inanities, and the persistence of humilitainment, Junk Food News (2020-2021 pandemic edition) /Jen Lyons, Sierra Kaul, Marcelle Levine Swinburne, Vikki Vasquez, Gavin Kelley, and Mickey Huff --False balance in media coverage undermines democracy : news abuse in 2020-2021 /Robin Anderson --Media democracy in action /with contributions by Michelle Rodino-Colocino and Brian Dolber, John K. Wilson, Michael Gordon, Sonali Kolhatkar, Rachael Jolley, and Alison Trope and DJ Johnson ; edited and introduced by Andy Lee Roth.

In this article, Elizabeth Sheehy argues that Jane Doe v. Metropolitan Toronto Police, wherein the police were held accountable in law for sex discrimination in violation of women's section 15 equality rights under the Charter and for negligence in their investigation of a serial rapist, represents a high point in feminist litigation. She details the feminist knowledge, language, and strategy as well as the individual contributions by Jane Doe herself, her lawyers, her experts, her judges, and even a police officer that together made this groundbreaking legal victory possible. She compares this case to Mooney v. Canada, a case also involving sexism in the policing of male violence against women, where Bonnie Mooney's negligence case was lost on the legal stumbling block of proof of causation. Elizabeth Sheehy suggests that although feminists became involved in this case on appeal and argued that Bonnie Mooney's section 15 rights were infringed, proof of the element of causation could have been facilitated had women's equality been at issue at the trial level. She shows how a feminist analysis of wife battering and femicide could have been used to challenge the assumptions of both police and judges that in turn shaped the ruling on causation and argues that even when lawyers fail to raise section 15 arguments, judges bear a responsibility to interpret the law consistent with the equality guarantee.
Dans le présent article, Elizabeth Sheehy soutient que l'arrêt Jane Doe c. Metropolitan Toronto Police marque un point tournant dans la présentation réussie d'arguments féministes devant les tribunaux. Cet arrêt a tenu la police responsable pour son comportement discriminatoire, en contravention des droits à l'égalité des femmes prévus à l'article 15 de la Charte et responsable de négligence dans leur enquête sur un violeur en série. L'auteure identifie les connaissances, la langue et la stratégie féministes aussi bien que les contributions personnelles de Jane Doe elle-même, de ses avocates, de ses spécialistes, de ses juges, et même d'un agent de police qui, ensemble, ont rendu possible cette victoire juridique quasi-révolutionnaire. Elle compare cette décision à l'affaire Mooney c. Canada, un arrêt qui traite également du sexisme dans le contrôle policier de la violence masculine contre les femmes. Dans cette affaire, la difficulté de prouver le lien de causalité a provoqué l'échec de la poursuite pour négligence policière, intentée par Bonnie Mooney. Selon Elizabeth Sheehy, la preuve du lien de causalité aurait pu être facilitée si l'égalité des femmes avait été invoquée en première instance et si les féministes y étaient intervenues à ce stade plutôt que simplement au niveau de l'appel. Elle indique comment une analyse féministe du fémicide et de la violence contre les conjointes aurait pu servir à contester les a prioris de la police et des juges qui ont fondé leur décision sur l'absence de preuve du lien de causalité. Elle soutient aussi que même lorsque les avocates et avocats ne soulèvent pas devant le tribunal des arguments fondés sur l'article 15, le tribunal se doit néanmoins d'interpréter le droit en tenant compte d'office de la garantie d'égalité.

[eng] Development economics seeks to provide evidence to improve life quality standards of the societies. This thesis contributes to this field with a multidisciplinary research on health, environmental and crime economics. This essay is composed of 3 academic papers that analyze actual social problems that have received little attention by policy makers and scholars, and that are negatively affecting newborns health and women wellbeing, in the context of Ecuador. The pivotal economic literature has shown the relevance of studying the impact of different types of externalities on health at birth and infant health (Barker, 1995; Almond et al., 2005; Black et al., 2007; Almond and Currie, 2011; Almond, Currie, and Duque, 2018). Social problems such as insecurity or environment pollution play a fundamental role in the newborns' growing environment. Nowadays, there is a wide evidence on the consequences that adverse environmental externalities received during intra-uterine growth generate in the future development and living conditions of the population, affecting relevant aspects like their cognitive ability, psychological and personality traits, scholarity, and wages (Currie and Vogl, 2013; Bharadwaj et al., 2013; Almond, Currie, and Duque, 2018). Similarly, there is a growing empirical evidence on the negative consequences of insecurity and crime on infant cognitive capacity and human capital formation (Duque, 2017; Sharkey et al., 2012). Moreover, crime generates psychological stress to those individuals who are directly or indirectly exposed to it (Aizer, 2016; Koppensteiner and Manacorda, 2016; Currie et al., 2020). This thesis contributes to this literature examining three relevant problems that affects the population of Ecuador: environmental pollution due to the use of pesticides in agriculture; maternal stress due to violent crimes, and violence against women. Moreover, each chapter provides strong evidence to address future public policy design. The second chapter of the thesis examines the effects of the use of pesticides in the banana plantations of Ecuador on newborns' health outcomes. The results drawn from this research reveal that the exposure to the intensive use of pesticides leads to a deficit in the birth weight when the exposure occurs during the first trimester of gestation. Moreover, exposure to intensive use of pesticides during the last gestation stage increases the likelihood of low birth weight and low Apgar score at first minute. The third chapter of the thesis reveals the existence of a retaliation effect after a reform of the penal code in 2014 that increased the penalties for gender-related violence and that introduce the femicide penalty type. I show that this legislative reform, and its enforcement, led to a (temporally) increase in the women victimization rates. The fourth chapter of this thesis examines the effects of the maternal stress generated by violent crimes on newborns' health outcomes. The results obtained from this research reveal that mothers' indirect exposure to homicides during pregnancy causes a deficit in the birth weight, which is especially important when this exposure occurs during the first trimester of gestation. Moreover, I demonstrate that mothers' past exposure to violent crimes attenuates the effects of homicides during pregnancy. Furthermore, the exposure to homicides during the last gestation term reduces gestation length and the Apgar score at the first minute.

Violence against women is a problem in all countries in the world, including the small autonomy of the Åland Islands. The violence ranges from psychological threats to femicide. In the Åland Islands the issue has been placed on the agenda of politicians and the authorities, while reports about severe violence against women have been brought to the public. In Åland no scientific research on violence against women has been performed. The overall aim of this dissertation is to gain a deeper insight into how battered women in Åland are cared for by nurses, and how the official organizations have responded to the government policy directives. In this thesis, the first study, a descriptive survey, describes how nurses identify and support battered women. In the second and third studies, the method of grounded theory was used to explore the experiences and perceptions of nurses and battered women of violence against women. In the fourth study a case study approach was used to explore government policies for intimate partner violence. The main findings in this thesis are that battered women used health services to receive help. We found that nurses identified and supported abused women, even though services for these women were inadequate. Nurses were willing to help the women, but they often lacked support. Battered women reported that they received ad hoc help. They were often left alone, dependent on a nearby person to escape, survive, and recover. Another finding was that the Government of the Åland Islands demanded that the official organizations should allocate services to battered women, but the organizations' response to the directives had some limitations. From a public health perspective, the phenomenon presents an urgent challenge. Overall, the public health community can and should contribute greatly towards the understanding, prevention, and control of violence by applying and adapting already constructed principles, and by implementing strategies. ; Våld mot kvinnor är ett problem som förekommer i alla länder I världen inkluderat det lilla autonoma området Åland. Fenomenet kan jämföras med terror. Våld mot kvinnor utövas i former från hot till mord. På Åland har problemet lyfts fram både genom politikers som tjänstemäns agendor, samtidigt som rapporter om allvarligt förekommande våld mot kvinnor rapporterats till allmänhetens kännedom. Våld mot kvinnor har inte studerats genom vetenskaplig forskning på Åland. Huvudsyftet med denna avhandling är att uppnå fördjupade insikter angående hur våldsutsatta kvinnor bemöts av sjukskötare och hur de offentliga organisationerna agerat utifrån regeringens direktiv. I denna avhandling är den första studien en beskrivande undersökning som beskriver hur sjukskötare identifierar och hjälper våldsutsatta kvinnor. Den andra och tredje studien har använtgrounded theory för att studera sjukskötare och våldsutsatta kvinnors erfarenheter och uppfattningar angående våld mot kvinnor. Den fjärde studien en case study studie har undersökt regeringens riktlinjer angående våld mot kvinnor. Huvudfynden i denna avhandling visar att våldsutsatta kvinnor söker hjälp från hälsovården. Vi fann att sjukskötare identifierar och stöder våldsutsatta kvinnor även då servicen var otillräcklig. Sjukskötare var villiga att hjälpa kvinnorna men de saknade ofta själva stöd. Våldsutsatta kvinnor rapporterade att de erbjöds en hjälp som de uppfattade som ad hoc. De var ofta lämnade ensamma helt beroende av en närstående person för att kunna fly, överleva, och återhämta sig. Ett annat fynd var att Ålands landskapsregering hade uppmanat de offentliga organisationerna att erbjuda service till våldsutsatta kvinnor, men organisationernas respons var begränsade. Fenomenet utgör en akut utmaning sett utifrån ett folkhälsoperspektiv. Slutligen, de ansvariga för folkhälsan i samhället kan och borde bidra med förståelse, prevention, och kontroll av våldet genom att tillämpa och anpassa redan konstruerade principer, och genom en implementering av åtgärder.

BACKGROUND: The health sector has 'duty of care' to provide comprehensive health services to survivors of violence, to act as a referral point, to collect and document evidence, to report data on violence and to engage in preventive services. In Malawi, 48% of women experience some form of intimate partner violence (IPV) and a significant number report conditions requiring health care services, although few actually report to health services, which are in turn limited in scope and availability. Understanding how health care providers, relevant stakeholders and IPV survivors perceive the role of health care services in IPV is necessary to promote the development of context-relevant and sustainable health care interventions. AIM: To understand the health service responses to IPV in Malawi from a wide range of perspectives OBJECTIVES: i) to critically analyze written legislation, policy and strategy documents in relation to IPV and the health sector in Malawi; ii) to describe the perceptions and experiences of IPV and of health sector responses among survivors of violence, community members, health care workers and other key stakeholders in Malawi; iii) to estimate the extent of intimate partner and sexual violence from a health service uptake perspective using proxy determinants at one referral hospital in Malawi iv) To explore the policy implications of the study findings for the health sector responses in Malawi METHODS: In 2011, a multi-method situation analysis was conducted in three areas of Blantyre district, with additional data collected in Mangochi and Lilongwe districts. Seventeen relevant national documents were analyzed. A total of 10 focus group discussions (FGDs), 2 small groups and 14 individual interviews (IIs) were conducted with health care providers; 18 FGDs and one small group discussion were conducted with male and female, urban and rural community members; 12 in-depth interviews (IDIs) with survivors; 26 key informant interviews (KIIs) with donor agencies, GBV service providers, religious institutions; police officers and other stakeholders were conducted. A review of 3,567 register records for the month of January 2011 was done in Queen Elizabeth Central Hospital and police records on violence cases in Blantyre for the same month were reviewed. Qualitative data was analyzed using the 'framework' approach, assisted by NVIVO 9 software. Hospital records were analyzed using Epi Info™. Feminist approaches and the ecological framework for analysis of violence informed data analysis and interpretation. A range of quality assurance measures were undertaken and data were triangulated across all methods: policy analysis, interviews and records reviews. FINDINGS: A review of legislation and policy combined with qualitative stakeholder interviews revealed conflicts, gaps and lack of awareness of the available documents that undermined coordinated health sector responses. Survivors, community members and health care workers revealed that IPV is perceived as a massive, though under-recognised problem. IPV in its various forms was seen as widespread and normalised, except perhaps in the perceived severe forms (such as femicide and child rape). IPV, though considered as shameful, was not necessarily a very private matter with involvement of neighbours, families, friends and significant others. Various factors at individual, interpersonal, society and institutional levels were described as affecting under-reporting, access to services and responses from sources of support. The review of registered data confirmed that IPV is generally underreported in health services and that relying on trauma as a proxy for IPV against women would prove difficult to implement. This multi-method approach highlighted the importance of diagnostic identification and the difficulties of universal screening. The actual role of health services in IPV seemed fuzzy from the service user's perspectives and narrowly confined to the bio-medical model or acute model of health service provision. However, both potential service users and health care providers were optimistic about new developments such as 'One Stop Centres' and about the potential role of health services, particularly those linked to HIV programmes. They suggested these be provided as a continuum from prevention to rehabilitation. CONCLUSIONS: This study found a range of laws and policies that define and promote action to prevent IPV in Malawi. These have had some positive influences on both community norms and health sector responses. However, ineffective promotion has limited their effectiveness. In addition there are gaps and inconsistencies that reduce their potential in guiding the health sector response to IPV. The study explored stakeholders' perceptions of IPV, the health sector response and the factors shaping it. This revealed a complex web of interconnected socio-economic, cultural, political and institutional factors. Perceptions of violence are culturally normative and related to gender roles and expectations. The inclusion of male voices on IPV against men, and using emic definitions of violence revealed conflicts between women's and men's interpretations of IPV, particularly with regard to sexual violence and the transgression of gender and marital roles. The specific socio-economic and cultural context strongly favours a conflict resolution model of responding to violence, which raises questions about the mandate and the potential roles of the health sector. Most stakeholders perceive IPV as a significant problem and recognise multiple impacts on health. However there is a clear disconnect between the magnitude of the problem and the health sector response. Nevertheless, the health sector is well placed to play a leadership role and has some resources, such as HIV Testing and Counselling staff and curricula to offer in a multi-sectoral response. Proxy determinants as reflected in the health service registers proved to be inadequate due to poor reporting and recording, and under-reporting to health services. Under-reporting was influenced by a range of inter-connected barriers to formal help-seeking, including normative attitudes and ineffective responses by both informal and formal sources of support. However, knowledge was generated about the challenges to recording and reporting IPV in this setting. The study findings suggested a number of key opportunities for improving the health sector response to IPV in Malawi that may be appropriate in this specific context and considered their potential sustainability.

Chapter 1 evaluates the impact of a policy intervention in Peru aimed at improving access to justice and reducing violence against women. In many developing countries, access to justice remains unequal, especially for women. What are the implications of this inequality for gender-based violence, intra-household bargaining, and investment in children? This paper provides evidence from Peru on all-women's justice centers (WJCs), specialized institutions that mostly employ female officers and provide police and legal services to reduce gender-based violence. Examining the gradual rollout of WJCs across districts/ villages, we find that the opening of a center increases reporting of gender-specific crimes by 40% and reduces the incidence of gender-based violence measured by domestic violence, femicides and hospitalizations due to mental health by about 10%. We find, moreover, that a decrease in the exposure of women to violence has intergenerational effects: WJCs substantially increase human capital investments in children, raising enrollment, attendance, and test scores. These results are consistent with a bargaining model in which women's access to justice determines the threat point. Chapter 2 examines the effect of fertility on labor supply decisions of Albanian parents, with particular attention to the intervening role of childcare provided by grandparents in extended families. In order to address the potential endogeneity in the fertility decision, I exploit Albanian parental preference for having sons combined with the sibling's sex-composition instrument as an exogenous source of variation. Using a repeated cross-section of parents with at least two children, I find a positive and statistically significant effect of fertility on parental labor supply for those parents who are more likely to be younger, less educated or live in extended families. In particular, IV estimates for mothers show that they increase labor supply, especially in terms of hours worked per week and the likelihood of working off-farm. Similarly, father's likelihood of working off-farm and having a second occupation increase as a consequence of further childbearing. The heterogeneity analysis suggests that this positive effect might be the result of two plausible mechanisms: childcare provided by non-parental adults in extended families and greater financial costs of maintaining more children. Chapter 3 analyzes the effect of forced displacement on adult's labor market outcomes and children's schooling in the context of the post-war Kosovo. This chapter uses the 1998-1999 Kosovo war and the following massive displacement of people as a natural experiment in order to estimate the impact of conflict displacement on Kosovars that left and decided to come back relative to those who stayed in the province. I exploit the interaction of the spatial variation in conflict intensity -as measured by casualties and bombings- and distance to the Albanian border as a source of exogenous variation in the displacement status. Results indicate that displaced Kosovar men are less likely to be employed in the agricultural sector and to work on their own account, while displaced Kosovar women are more likely to be inactive. Loss of assets (e.g. land, livestock) in an agrarian skill-based economy and also loss of social networks in an informal labor market might have further decreased the probability to find employment relative to stayers. However, shortly after the return home, the results also indicate that displaced Kosovar men and women are more likely to be working off-farm, especially in the construction and public administration sectors, which indicates a relatively quick recovery. In addition, displaced Kosovar girls are more likely to be enrolled in primary school, but I find no effect on education for boys. The refugee camp experience might have provided better conditions to young Kosovar girls compared to the precarious pre-war "parallel" education system. ; Le chapitre 1 évalue l'impact d'une politique publique au Pérou visant à améliorer l'accès à la justice et à réduire la violence contre les femmes. Ce chapitre utilise des données sur les centres de justice pour femmes (CJF) au Pérou, des institutions spécialisées qui emploient principalement des femmes et fournissent des services de police et des services juridiques pour réduire la violence fondée sur le genre. En examinant le déploiement progressif des CJF dans les districts, nous constatons que l'ouverture d'un centre augmente de 40 % le nombre de signalements de crimes spécifiques au genre et réduit d'environ 10 % l'incidence de la violence fondée sur le genre, mesurée par la violence domestique, les féminicides et les hospitalisations pour cause de santé mentale. Nous constatons en outre qu'une diminution de l'exposition des femmes à la violence domestique a des effets intergénérationnels : les CJF augmentent considérablement les investissements en capital humain pour les enfants, ce qui augmente la scolarisation, la présence scolaire et les résultats aux examens. Le chapitre 2 examine l'effet de la fécondité sur les décisions des parents albanais en matière d'offre de travail. Afin d'aborder la question de l'endogénéité potentielle de la décision de fécondité, j'exploite la préférence des parents albanais pour avoir des garçons combinés avec l'instrument de composition du genre des frères et sœurs comme source exogène de variation. En utilisant un échantillon représentatif de parents ayant au moins deux enfants, je constate un effet positif et significatif de la fécondité sur l'offre de travail pour les parents plus jeunes, moins scolarisés ou vivant dans une famille élargie. Les estimations pour les mères montrent qu'elles augmentent l'offre de travail en termes d'heures travaillées et de probabilité de travailler hors secteur rural. De même, la probabilité pour le père de travailler hors secteur rural et d'avoir un deuxième emploi augmente à la suite d'autres naissances. L'analyse de l'hétérogénéité suggère deux mécanismes plausibles : les services de garde offerts par des adultes non-parentaux (grands-parents) dans les familles élargies et les coûts financiers plus élevés liés au maintien d'un plus grand nombre d'enfants. Le chapitre 3 analyse l'effet du déplacement forcé de populations sur l'offre de travail des adultes et la scolarisation des enfants dans le contexte de l'après-guerre au Kosovo. Ce chapitre utilise la guerre du Kosovo de 1998-1999 et les déplacements massifs de population comme une expérimentation naturelle afin d'estimer l'impact du déplacement forcé dû au conflit sur les Kosovars qui sont partis et qui ont décidé de revenir par rapport à ceux qui sont restés pendant la guerre. J'exploite l'intéraction de la variation spatiale de l'intensité du conflit - mesurée par le nombre de victimes et de bombardements - et de la distance à la frontière albanaise comme source de variation exogène dans le statut de déplacement. Les résultats indiquent que les hommes kosovars déplacés sont moins susceptibles d'être employés dans le secteur agricole et de travailler pour leur propre compte, tandis que les femmes kosovares déplacées sont plus susceptibles d'être inactives. La perte d'actifs (terres, bétail, etc.) dans une économie agraire fondée sur les compétences et la perte de réseaux sociaux dans un marché du travail informel pourraient avoir réduit davantage la probabilité de trouver un emploi par rapport aux personnes qui sont restées. Toutefois, peu après le retour au pays, les résultats indiquent également que les hommes et les femmes kosovars déplacés sont plus susceptibles de travailler hors secteur rural, en particulier dans les secteurs de la construction et de l'administration publique, ce qui indique une reprise relativement rapide. En outre, les filles kosovares déplacées sont plus susceptibles d'être inscrites à l'école primaire, mais je ne constate aucun effet sur la scolarisation des garçons.

Chapter 1 evaluates the impact of a policy intervention in Peru aimed at improving access to justice and reducing violence against women. In many developing countries, access to justice remains unequal, especially for women. What are the implications of this inequality for gender-based violence, intra-household bargaining, and investment in children? This paper provides evidence from Peru on all-women's justice centers (WJCs), specialized institutions that mostly employ female officers and provide police and legal services to reduce gender-based violence. Examining the gradual rollout of WJCs across districts/ villages, we find that the opening of a center increases reporting of gender-specific crimes by 40% and reduces the incidence of gender-based violence measured by domestic violence, femicides and hospitalizations due to mental health by about 10%. We find, moreover, that a decrease in the exposure of women to violence has intergenerational effects: WJCs substantially increase human capital investments in children, raising enrollment, attendance, and test scores. These results are consistent with a bargaining model in which women's access to justice determines the threat point. Chapter 2 examines the effect of fertility on labor supply decisions of Albanian parents, with particular attention to the intervening role of childcare provided by grandparents in extended families. In order to address the potential endogeneity in the fertility decision, I exploit Albanian parental preference for having sons combined with the sibling's sex-composition instrument as an exogenous source of variation. Using a repeated cross-section of parents with at least two children, I find a positive and statistically significant effect of fertility on parental labor supply for those parents who are more likely to be younger, less educated or live in extended families. In particular, IV estimates for mothers show that they increase labor supply, especially in terms of hours worked per week and the likelihood of working off-farm. Similarly, father's likelihood of working off-farm and having a second occupation increase as a consequence of further childbearing. The heterogeneity analysis suggests that this positive effect might be the result of two plausible mechanisms: childcare provided by non-parental adults in extended families and greater financial costs of maintaining more children. Chapter 3 analyzes the effect of forced displacement on adult's labor market outcomes and children's schooling in the context of the post-war Kosovo. This chapter uses the 1998-1999 Kosovo war and the following massive displacement of people as a natural experiment in order to estimate the impact of conflict displacement on Kosovars that left and decided to come back relative to those who stayed in the province. I exploit the interaction of the spatial variation in conflict intensity -as measured by casualties and bombings- and distance to the Albanian border as a source of exogenous variation in the displacement status. Results indicate that displaced Kosovar men are less likely to be employed in the agricultural sector and to work on their own account, while displaced Kosovar women are more likely to be inactive. Loss of assets (e.g. land, livestock) in an agrarian skill-based economy and also loss of social networks in an informal labor market might have further decreased the probability to find employment relative to stayers. However, shortly after the return home, the results also indicate that displaced Kosovar men and women are more likely to be working off-farm, especially in the construction and public administration sectors, which indicates a relatively quick recovery. In addition, displaced Kosovar girls are more likely to be enrolled in primary school, but I find no effect on education for boys. The refugee camp experience might have provided better conditions to young Kosovar girls compared to the precarious pre-war "parallel" education system. ; Le chapitre 1 évalue l'impact d'une politique publique au Pérou visant à améliorer l'accès à la justice et à réduire la violence contre les femmes. Ce chapitre utilise des données sur les centres de justice pour femmes (CJF) au Pérou, des institutions spécialisées qui emploient principalement des femmes et fournissent des services de police et des services juridiques pour réduire la violence fondée sur le genre. En examinant le déploiement progressif des CJF dans les districts, nous constatons que l'ouverture d'un centre augmente de 40 % le nombre de signalements de crimes spécifiques au genre et réduit d'environ 10 % l'incidence de la violence fondée sur le genre, mesurée par la violence domestique, les féminicides et les hospitalisations pour cause de santé mentale. Nous constatons en outre qu'une diminution de l'exposition des femmes à la violence domestique a des effets intergénérationnels : les CJF augmentent considérablement les investissements en capital humain pour les enfants, ce qui augmente la scolarisation, la présence scolaire et les résultats aux examens. Le chapitre 2 examine l'effet de la fécondité sur les décisions des parents albanais en matière d'offre de travail. Afin d'aborder la question de l'endogénéité potentielle de la décision de fécondité, j'exploite la préférence des parents albanais pour avoir des garçons combinés avec l'instrument de composition du genre des frères et sœurs comme source exogène de variation. En utilisant un échantillon représentatif de parents ayant au moins deux enfants, je constate un effet positif et significatif de la fécondité sur l'offre de travail pour les parents plus jeunes, moins scolarisés ou vivant dans une famille élargie. Les estimations pour les mères montrent qu'elles augmentent l'offre de travail en termes d'heures travaillées et de probabilité de travailler hors secteur rural. De même, la probabilité pour le père de travailler hors secteur rural et d'avoir un deuxième emploi augmente à la suite d'autres naissances. L'analyse de l'hétérogénéité suggère deux mécanismes plausibles : les services de garde offerts par des adultes non-parentaux (grands-parents) dans les familles élargies et les coûts financiers plus élevés liés au maintien d'un plus grand nombre d'enfants. Le chapitre 3 analyse l'effet du déplacement forcé de populations sur l'offre de travail des adultes et la scolarisation des enfants dans le contexte de l'après-guerre au Kosovo. Ce chapitre utilise la guerre du Kosovo de 1998-1999 et les déplacements massifs de population comme une expérimentation naturelle afin d'estimer l'impact du déplacement forcé dû au conflit sur les Kosovars qui sont partis et qui ont décidé de revenir par rapport à ceux qui sont restés pendant la guerre. J'exploite l'intéraction de la variation spatiale de l'intensité du conflit - mesurée par le nombre de victimes et de bombardements - et de la distance à la frontière albanaise comme source de variation exogène dans le statut de déplacement. Les résultats indiquent que les hommes kosovars déplacés sont moins susceptibles d'être employés dans le secteur agricole et de travailler pour leur propre compte, tandis que les femmes kosovares déplacées sont plus susceptibles d'être inactives. La perte d'actifs (terres, bétail, etc.) dans une économie agraire fondée sur les compétences et la perte de réseaux sociaux dans un marché du travail informel pourraient avoir réduit davantage la probabilité de trouver un emploi par rapport aux personnes qui sont restées. Toutefois, peu après le retour au pays, les résultats indiquent également que les hommes et les femmes kosovars déplacés sont plus susceptibles de travailler hors secteur rural, en particulier dans les secteurs de la construction et de l'administration publique, ce qui indique une reprise relativement rapide. En outre, les filles kosovares déplacées sont plus susceptibles d'être inscrites à l'école primaire, mais je ne constate aucun effet sur la scolarisation des garçons.

Chapter 1 evaluates the impact of a policy intervention in Peru aimed at improving access to justice and reducing violence against women. In many developing countries, access to justice remains unequal, especially for women. What are the implications of this inequality for gender-based violence, intra-household bargaining, and investment in children? This paper provides evidence from Peru on all-women's justice centers (WJCs), specialized institutions that mostly employ female officers and provide police and legal services to reduce gender-based violence. Examining the gradual rollout of WJCs across districts/ villages, we find that the opening of a center increases reporting of gender-specific crimes by 40% and reduces the incidence of gender-based violence measured by domestic violence, femicides and hospitalizations due to mental health by about 10%. We find, moreover, that a decrease in the exposure of women to violence has intergenerational effects: WJCs substantially increase human capital investments in children, raising enrollment, attendance, and test scores. These results are consistent with a bargaining model in which women's access to justice determines the threat point. Chapter 2 examines the effect of fertility on labor supply decisions of Albanian parents, with particular attention to the intervening role of childcare provided by grandparents in extended families. In order to address the potential endogeneity in the fertility decision, I exploit Albanian parental preference for having sons combined with the sibling's sex-composition instrument as an exogenous source of variation. Using a repeated cross-section of parents with at least two children, I find a positive and statistically significant effect of fertility on parental labor supply for those parents who are more likely to be younger, less educated or live in extended families. In particular, IV estimates for mothers show that they increase labor supply, especially in terms of hours worked per week and the likelihood of working off-farm. Similarly, father's likelihood of working off-farm and having a second occupation increase as a consequence of further childbearing. The heterogeneity analysis suggests that this positive effect might be the result of two plausible mechanisms: childcare provided by non-parental adults in extended families and greater financial costs of maintaining more children. Chapter 3 analyzes the effect of forced displacement on adult's labor market outcomes and children's schooling in the context of the post-war Kosovo. This chapter uses the 1998-1999 Kosovo war and the following massive displacement of people as a natural experiment in order to estimate the impact of conflict displacement on Kosovars that left and decided to come back relative to those who stayed in the province. I exploit the interaction of the spatial variation in conflict intensity -as measured by casualties and bombings- and distance to the Albanian border as a source of exogenous variation in the displacement status. Results indicate that displaced Kosovar men are less likely to be employed in the agricultural sector and to work on their own account, while displaced Kosovar women are more likely to be inactive. Loss of assets (e.g. land, livestock) in an agrarian skill-based economy and also loss of social networks in an informal labor market might have further decreased the probability to find employment relative to stayers. However, shortly after the return home, the results also indicate that displaced Kosovar men and women are more likely to be working off-farm, especially in the construction and public administration sectors, which indicates a relatively quick recovery. In addition, displaced Kosovar girls are more likely to be enrolled in primary school, but I find no effect on education for boys. The refugee camp experience might have provided better conditions to young Kosovar girls compared to the precarious pre-war "parallel" education system. ; Le chapitre 1 évalue l'impact d'une politique publique au Pérou visant à améliorer l'accès à la justice et à réduire la violence contre les femmes. Ce chapitre utilise des données sur les centres de justice pour femmes (CJF) au Pérou, des institutions spécialisées qui emploient principalement des femmes et fournissent des services de police et des services juridiques pour réduire la violence fondée sur le genre. En examinant le déploiement progressif des CJF dans les districts, nous constatons que l'ouverture d'un centre augmente de 40 % le nombre de signalements de crimes spécifiques au genre et réduit d'environ 10 % l'incidence de la violence fondée sur le genre, mesurée par la violence domestique, les féminicides et les hospitalisations pour cause de santé mentale. Nous constatons en outre qu'une diminution de l'exposition des femmes à la violence domestique a des effets intergénérationnels : les CJF augmentent considérablement les investissements en capital humain pour les enfants, ce qui augmente la scolarisation, la présence scolaire et les résultats aux examens. Le chapitre 2 examine l'effet de la fécondité sur les décisions des parents albanais en matière d'offre de travail. Afin d'aborder la question de l'endogénéité potentielle de la décision de fécondité, j'exploite la préférence des parents albanais pour avoir des garçons combinés avec l'instrument de composition du genre des frères et sœurs comme source exogène de variation. En utilisant un échantillon représentatif de parents ayant au moins deux enfants, je constate un effet positif et significatif de la fécondité sur l'offre de travail pour les parents plus jeunes, moins scolarisés ou vivant dans une famille élargie. Les estimations pour les mères montrent qu'elles augmentent l'offre de travail en termes d'heures travaillées et de probabilité de travailler hors secteur rural. De même, la probabilité pour le père de travailler hors secteur rural et d'avoir un deuxième emploi augmente à la suite d'autres naissances. L'analyse de l'hétérogénéité suggère deux mécanismes plausibles : les services de garde offerts par des adultes non-parentaux (grands-parents) dans les familles élargies et les coûts financiers plus élevés liés au maintien d'un plus grand nombre d'enfants. Le chapitre 3 analyse l'effet du déplacement forcé de populations sur l'offre de travail des adultes et la scolarisation des enfants dans le contexte de l'après-guerre au Kosovo. Ce chapitre utilise la guerre du Kosovo de 1998-1999 et les déplacements massifs de population comme une expérimentation naturelle afin d'estimer l'impact du déplacement forcé dû au conflit sur les Kosovars qui sont partis et qui ont décidé de revenir par rapport à ceux qui sont restés pendant la guerre. J'exploite l'intéraction de la variation spatiale de l'intensité du conflit - mesurée par le nombre de victimes et de bombardements - et de la distance à la frontière albanaise comme source de variation exogène dans le statut de déplacement. Les résultats indiquent que les hommes kosovars déplacés sont moins susceptibles d'être employés dans le secteur agricole et de travailler pour leur propre compte, tandis que les femmes kosovares déplacées sont plus susceptibles d'être inactives. La perte d'actifs (terres, bétail, etc.) dans une économie agraire fondée sur les compétences et la perte de réseaux sociaux dans un marché du travail informel pourraient avoir réduit davantage la probabilité de trouver un emploi par rapport aux personnes qui sont restées. Toutefois, peu après le retour au pays, les résultats indiquent également que les hommes et les femmes kosovars déplacés sont plus susceptibles de travailler hors secteur rural, en particulier dans les secteurs de la construction et de l'administration publique, ce qui indique une reprise relativement rapide. En outre, les filles kosovares déplacées sont plus susceptibles d'être inscrites à l'école primaire, mais je ne constate aucun effet sur la scolarisation des garçons.

This doctoral thesis presents a critical analysis of visual responses to gender-based violence in contemporary Mexican culture, with the aim of identifying how new forms of narrative can engender 'ethical visibilización' of gender-based violence, through instigating 'otras miradas', or other ways and modes of spectating and witnessing violence. Central to this investigation are three individual artworks by three Mexican artists, created at different intervals over a particularly violent ten year period (2001-2011). They are as follows: Maryse Sistach's neorealist auteur film, Perfume de violetas: nadie te ve (2001); Rodrigo Cruz's multimedia project, Violencia en contra de las mujeres (2006); and Yamina del Real's tableau photography exhibition, "El cuerpo deshabitado. o En busca del cuerpo perdido" (2011). This thesis subsequently examines how the visual narratives created by these contemporary artists, counter dominant sensationalistic and hyper-violent representations of gender violence, which otherwise exploit victims and commodify violence. Drawing on Ann E Kaplan's theory of trauma culture, as well as insights from across a broad range of disciplines, it will be argued how each visual artist independently fashions an active audience through their respective processes of ethical or anti-Othering and incitement of intellectual spectatorship. In so doing, they facilitate a re-imagining, and re-presentation of gender violence in Mexican visual culture, which ultimately forms a wider political narrative of 'ethical visibilización' of the processes and consequences of gender violence.