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In this article, I, using Paul C. Mocombe's structurationist theory of phenomenological structuralism against feminist theories, put forth the argument that the third wave (1990 to the present) of feminine activism against the Protestant Ethic and the spirit of capitalism has given rise to feminine patriarchy, the push by women for equality of opportunity, recognition, and distribution with their white male counterparts by recursively organizing and reproducing the patriarchy of the society, which is institutionalized as the nature of reality as such, in a genderless position of their own. Hence, women have pushed for integration and equality in the Protestant Ethic and the spirit of capitalism as gender neutral agents of the protestant ethic against any other alternative forms of system or social integration, which renders their historical activism dialectical, oppressive, and exploitative; they, paradoxically, reify, commodify, and glorify their sexual female identity as feminine men.

This paper focuses on Zora Neale Hurston's exploration of feminine space and the way she viewed the African Americans in a very fragmentary way borrowing from the post- colonial theory Homi Bhabha's concept of "third space" and from Stuart Hall's concept of "becoming" and "positionality." It also explores the concept of space in selected novels by Hurston, using Edward W. Soja's and Henry Lefebvre's idea about the multiplicity and hybridity of third space in favor of negating the plurality of space, taking it at the end to apply on gender in her chosen fiction.

Cover Page -- Title Page -- Copyright -- Contents -- Ways In To The Text -- Who Was Betty Friedan? -- What Does The Feminine Mystique Say? -- Why Does The Feminine Mystique Matter? -- Section 1: Influences -- Module 1 The Author and The Historical Context -- Module 2 Academic Context -- Module 3 The Problem -- Module 4 The Author'S Contribution -- Section 2: Ideas -- Module 5 Main Ideas -- Module 6 Secondary Ideas -- Module 7 Achievement -- Module 8 Place In The Author'S Work -- Section 3: Impact -- Module 9 The First Responses -- Module 10 The Evolving Debate -- Module 11 Impact and Influence Today -- Module 12 WHERE NEXT? -- Glossary of Terms -- People Mentioned In The Text -- Works Cited

The Westernization of black women in the US and throughout the Diaspora, via ideological apparatuses such as education and the labour market, is symptomatic of the West's attempt to interpellate and embourgeois them, post the 1970s, to fit, converge, with their role as professional managers and service workers in the globalization efforts, for equality of opportunity, recognition, and distribution with their white male counterparts, in spite of some obstacles and roadblocks. This Westernization of black women by global capital, leading to what Paul C. Mocombe calls black feminine patriarchy, is not liberatory; instead, it is integrative, oppressive, exploitative, and a threat to all life on earth as black women become feminine patriarchs recursively organizing and reproducing the Protestant Ethic and the spirit of capitalism of their former white enslavers despite its effects on black family life, the climate, and all life on earth.

In 1949 Simone de Beauvoir asked, "What does it mean to be a woman?" Her answer to that question inaugurated a radical transformation of the meaning of "woman" that defined the direction of subsequent feminist theory. What Beauvoir discovered is that it is impossible to define "woman" as an equal human being in our philosophical and political tradition. Her effort to redefine "woman" outside these parameters set feminist theory on a path of radical transformation. The feminist theorists who wrote in the wake of Beauvoir's work followed that path. Susan Hekman's original and highly engaging ne

AbstractCurrent scholarship offers conflicting conclusions about whether female candidates have a feminine advantage or a disadvantage. Previous work does not consider whether voters respond similarly to all types of messages that might emphasize feminine stereotypes, such as feminine trait and feminine issue messages. I argue that voters will respond differently to trait-based feminine messages relative to issue-based feminine messages. I test the effects of trait-based and issue-based feminine messages through two survey experiments. The results consistently show that emphasizing feminine traits harms female candidates, whereas emphasizing feminine issues helps female candidates. I use role congruity theory to argue that feminine traits activate feminine stereotypes about women, and feminine issues do not activate these stereotypes. I also show that trait-based and issue-based feminine messages affect Democratic and Republican female candidates in very different ways. These results have implications for the ability of women to win elected office and reverse the pervasive underrepresentation of women in politics.