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SUMMARY This paper investigates the relations of the social, political, economic and societal movement feminism insofar as it affects theatre within the statistics of the field, methods of creative process and its expression. The statistics released in 2019 indicate that Lithuania has not made any progress in the field of gender equality since 2005, and therefore it is crucial to examine how systematic and internalized sexism correlates with artistic and social – societal processes. This paper is divided into four parts and acts as a full-fledged study of feminism in theatre using diverse perspectives. This research uses the premise of women as "Other" proposed by Simone de Beauvoir: contemplating on woman, which was created by and for Man, it aims to give feminism a time and location frame, describe its waves and find its manifestation within theatre in general terms. In the second part, the author offers an innovative approach to the organisation of creative process by including feminism as a creative strategy. This strategy aims not only for the world portrayed on stage, but also for rehearsal processes and structuration of work, contextualisation, and usage of the tools proposed by intersectional feminism. In the third part, potentially adverse effects of feminism are discussed i.e. censorship and euphemizing of rhetoric and phenomena in theatrical discourses. The last part, studies the example of the show "Requiem for a Woman" (dir. Uršulė Bartoševičiūtė, produced by Lithuanian State Youth Theatre, Lithuanian Music and Theatre Academy and Iceland University of the Arts, premiered at culture bar KABLYS+CULTURE on 19 and 20 of August 2020). The creative process where feminism was employed as a creative strategy and stimulated a healthy dialogue amongst all members of the creative team is scrutinized in this part. This research aspires to create a supplemented theatrical theory and practice that is capable of encompassing and systematizing the need of intersectional feminism in theatre.

SUMMARY This paper investigates the relations of the social, political, economic and societal movement feminism insofar as it affects theatre within the statistics of the field, methods of creative process and its expression. The statistics released in 2019 indicate that Lithuania has not made any progress in the field of gender equality since 2005, and therefore it is crucial to examine how systematic and internalized sexism correlates with artistic and social – societal processes. This paper is divided into four parts and acts as a full-fledged study of feminism in theatre using diverse perspectives. This research uses the premise of women as "Other" proposed by Simone de Beauvoir: contemplating on woman, which was created by and for Man, it aims to give feminism a time and location frame, describe its waves and find its manifestation within theatre in general terms. In the second part, the author offers an innovative approach to the organisation of creative process by including feminism as a creative strategy. This strategy aims not only for the world portrayed on stage, but also for rehearsal processes and structuration of work, contextualisation, and usage of the tools proposed by intersectional feminism. In the third part, potentially adverse effects of feminism are discussed i.e. censorship and euphemizing of rhetoric and phenomena in theatrical discourses. The last part, studies the example of the show "Requiem for a Woman" (dir. Uršulė Bartoševičiūtė, produced by Lithuanian State Youth Theatre, Lithuanian Music and Theatre Academy and Iceland University of the Arts, premiered at culture bar KABLYS+CULTURE on 19 and 20 of August 2020). The creative process where feminism was employed as a creative strategy and stimulated a healthy dialogue amongst all members of the creative team is scrutinized in this part. This research aspires to create a supplemented theatrical theory and practice that is capable of encompassing and systematizing the need of intersectional feminism in theatre.

Seeking to ensure full national security it is not enough just to guarantee alone State's national security – and security should be guaranteed for whole society's layers and their welfare. In order to guarantee full national security, should be ensured gender equality in the first instance, in all areas: social, military, economic and political. The ideology of feminism precisely declares the ideas of human rights, gender equality and gives more universal conception of security. It is not ensure just State's national security, but it implements economic State's growth, progress, implements the image of welfare State and develops the ideas of democratic culture and tolerance. It is important to guarantee external State's security, but also it is worth to regard to ensuring of State's internal security. Internal security – satisfaction the needs and welfare of sections of society determines existing of the united, stable society, which, if it necessary, might withstand, be resistant against the treats for national security. The master's thesis consists of an introduction, three teaching sections, conclusions and a list of references. The aim of the research – Articulation and conceptualization of the links and influences of national security with gender – feminist theory and highlighting, concretization and implementation of the positive and functional purpose of gender equality positive values in Lithuanian public security policy. The methodology of the research. In the first chapter is analyzing dispersion of feminism ideas and their problems, based on analytical, descriptive, historical and systemic methods. In the second chapter is highlighted interactions of national security and feminism, based on structural, functional, hermeneutic security as one of the goals of gender equality and interpretive, critical, and design methods. The third chapter concretizes gender equality issues in the context of Lithuania's national security, based on comparative, modeling and political forecasting methods. Conclusion. Full national security is not possible if is not ensured gender equality. Ensuring gender equality enables society's harmony, its stability, security, development of democratic culture, social modernization also existence of welfare State and its economic progress.

In the chapter, in the light of the concept of gender democracy the Lithuanian situation in respect to the politics of gender equality is described and insights into the developments of gender democracy are provided, based on the case study of the transposition of the EC Directive 2004/113/EC on equal treatment of men and women in the access to and supply of goods and services. The study reveals that the process and content of national and European gender equality legislation vividly display a mismatch of agendas and underscores deficiencies of gender democracy in Lithuania. The chapter also provides hints into eventual dynamics of gender democracy in Lithuania.

In the chapter, in the light of the concept of gender democracy the Lithuanian situation in respect to the politics of gender equality is described and insights into the developments of gender democracy are provided, based on the case study of the transposition of the EC Directive 2004/113/EC on equal treatment of men and women in the access to and supply of goods and services. The study reveals that the process and content of national and European gender equality legislation vividly display a mismatch of agendas and underscores deficiencies of gender democracy in Lithuania. The chapter also provides hints into eventual dynamics of gender democracy in Lithuania.

In the chapter, in the light of the concept of gender democracy the Lithuanian situation in respect to the politics of gender equality is described and insights into the developments of gender democracy are provided, based on the case study of the transposition of the EC Directive 2004/113/EC on equal treatment of men and women in the access to and supply of goods and services. The study reveals that the process and content of national and European gender equality legislation vividly display a mismatch of agendas and underscores deficiencies of gender democracy in Lithuania. The chapter also provides hints into eventual dynamics of gender democracy in Lithuania.

In the chapter, in the light of the concept of gender democracy the Lithuanian situation in respect to the politics of gender equality is described and insights into the developments of gender democracy are provided, based on the case study of the transposition of the EC Directive 2004/113/EC on equal treatment of men and women in the access to and supply of goods and services. The study reveals that the process and content of national and European gender equality legislation vividly display a mismatch of agendas and underscores deficiencies of gender democracy in Lithuania. The chapter also provides hints into eventual dynamics of gender democracy in Lithuania.

In general the text created by Web 2.0 community reflects the vitality of patriarchal culture in Lithuania. What is wonder that the theme of feminism and feminists as a social phenomenon and problem is actually ignored as well- it is a peculiarity that distinguishes the tex X from the most texts created by Web 2.0 community in response to the publications related to gender equality and discrimination issues published in DELFI It. since the possibility to comment publications has been introduced in the portal. The refusal to develop feminist topic in the text may be related rather to the rising of political correctness, i.e. self- censorship than to actual deconstruction of feminism as a public evil in popular discourse. At the same lime, one may suggest that in present Lithuania where the highest political jiuai u.c held by women, feminism potentially receives at least a neutral meaning in popular discourse. Despite the fact that the Office' activity is not directly reflected in the text, research data allows to make some conclusions in relation to significance of the Office in Lithuania. First of all, there is lack of knowledge about the main principles of the both Law on Equal Opportunities for Women and Men and Law of Equal Treatment and, consequently, about institutional competences to secure implementation of these laws. Second, gender equality and discrimination are seen superficially in many cases, for example, equality is often confused with the leveling. It may indicate the presence of the gaps in the educational activities of equal rights and opportunities, and insufficient publicity of the Office's activities as well.

In general the text created by Web 2.0 community reflects the vitality of patriarchal culture in Lithuania. What is wonder that the theme of feminism and feminists as a social phenomenon and problem is actually ignored as well- it is a peculiarity that distinguishes the tex X from the most texts created by Web 2.0 community in response to the publications related to gender equality and discrimination issues published in DELFI It. since the possibility to comment publications has been introduced in the portal. The refusal to develop feminist topic in the text may be related rather to the rising of political correctness, i.e. self- censorship than to actual deconstruction of feminism as a public evil in popular discourse. At the same lime, one may suggest that in present Lithuania where the highest political jiuai u.c held by women, feminism potentially receives at least a neutral meaning in popular discourse. Despite the fact that the Office' activity is not directly reflected in the text, research data allows to make some conclusions in relation to significance of the Office in Lithuania. First of all, there is lack of knowledge about the main principles of the both Law on Equal Opportunities for Women and Men and Law of Equal Treatment and, consequently, about institutional competences to secure implementation of these laws. Second, gender equality and discrimination are seen superficially in many cases, for example, equality is often confused with the leveling. It may indicate the presence of the gaps in the educational activities of equal rights and opportunities, and insufficient publicity of the Office's activities as well.

This dissertation presents Lithuanian Catholic Women's Organization (LKMD) in its ideological context, discussing how this organization involved unsophisticated women in society, enriching their lives and that of their communities while expanding civic involvement in Lithuania. As the limitations of Civil Society are still felt in Lithuania, it is worth paying attention to interwar public organizations in search of civil society structures during modern Lithuania's first independence. The work was motivated by the rarity of studies on Lithuanian women's activities. The first chapter features the emergence of feminism and Catholic social thought in Europe and their influence on ideas of Lithuanian Catholics. The second chapter covers the establishment of LKMD, Catholic women's engagement in political life of independent Lithuania and cooperation with other organizations. The third chapter contains an analysis of how women's role in their families, profession and society were understood in the Catholic women's press. The fourth chapter investigates activities of LKMD, the development of its branch network, festivals and provision of care institutions. Catholic women's social engagement shows an understanding of the necessity of civic activity in support of civil society. Raising attention, however cautious, to discrimination and women's susceptibility to poverty highlights an awareness of pressures in society. Looking for cooperation not only with Catholic but also with liberal groups to support their ideals and increase the organization's effectiveness provides evidence that the Catholic women of LKMD believed in the benefit of association for reaching common aims. That implies they were rational actors of civil society within the circumstances limiting them.

This dissertation presents Lithuanian Catholic Women's Organization (LKMD) in its ideological context, discussing how this organization involved unsophisticated women in society, enriching their lives and that of their communities while expanding civic involvement in Lithuania. As the limitations of Civil Society are still felt in Lithuania, it is worth paying attention to interwar public organizations in search of civil society structures during modern Lithuania's first independence. The work was motivated by the rarity of studies on Lithuanian women's activities. The first chapter features the emergence of feminism and Catholic social thought in Europe and their influence on ideas of Lithuanian Catholics. The second chapter covers the establishment of LKMD, Catholic women's engagement in political life of independent Lithuania and cooperation with other organizations. The third chapter contains an analysis of how women's role in their families, profession and society were understood in the Catholic women's press. The fourth chapter investigates activities of LKMD, the development of its branch network, festivals and provision of care institutions. Catholic women's social engagement shows an understanding of the necessity of civic activity in support of civil society. Raising attention, however cautious, to discrimination and women's susceptibility to poverty highlights an awareness of pressures in society. Looking for cooperation not only with Catholic but also with liberal groups to support their ideals and increase the organization's effectiveness provides evidence that the Catholic women of LKMD believed in the benefit of association for reaching common aims. That implies they were rational actors of civil society within the circumstances limiting them.

This dissertation presents Lithuanian Catholic Women's Organization (LKMD) in its ideological context, discussing how this organization involved unsophisticated women in society, enriching their lives and that of their communities while expanding civic involvement in Lithuania. As the limitations of Civil Society are still felt in Lithuania, it is worth paying attention to interwar public organizations in search of civil society structures during modern Lithuania's first independence. The work was motivated by the rarity of studies on Lithuanian women's activities. The first chapter features the emergence of feminism and Catholic social thought in Europe and their influence on ideas of Lithuanian Catholics. The second chapter covers the establishment of LKMD, Catholic women's engagement in political life of independent Lithuania and cooperation with other organizations. The third chapter contains an analysis of how women's role in their families, profession and society were understood in the Catholic women's press. The fourth chapter investigates activities of LKMD, the development of its branch network, festivals and provision of care institutions. Catholic women's social engagement shows an understanding of the necessity of civic activity in support of civil society. Raising attention, however cautious, to discrimination and women's susceptibility to poverty highlights an awareness of pressures in society. Looking for cooperation not only with Catholic but also with liberal groups to support their ideals and increase the organization's effectiveness provides evidence that the Catholic women of LKMD believed in the benefit of association for reaching common aims. That implies they were rational actors of civil society within the circumstances limiting them.

The article focuses on the analysis of Lithuanian punk rock (also called punk/hardcore) subculture, especially its cultural influences from abroad during different historical periods. In order to achieve this goal, the main historical-cultural periods of the subculture were determined, the main features and values of the subculture of the periods determined were studied, and the features of Lithuanian and Western punk rock subculture were compared focusing on the main cultural influences. To obtain empirical data ethnographic research methods were applied: semi-structured in-depth interviews, questionnaires, analysis of group documents, etc. The respondents were chosen using the 'snow ball' sampling method. The research data were collected in 2005-2009. During the research, thirty semi-structured (in-depth) interviews with the most active and well-informed representatives of the subculture in Lithuanian were analysed. It can be concluded that during Soviet times, one of the main local features of Lithuanian punk rock subculture was ideological resistance towards communist system, and "do-it-yourself" ideas were cultivated as necessity. Cultural protest in this period was expressed by different appearance (style), in general. In the period of political thaw, Lithuanian punk rock subculture felt a kind of cultural verve, and it supported ideas of Lithuanian independence as well. After the retrieving of Lithuania's Independence, ideas of Western punk rock subculture began to flow intensively. In some time, the ideas of anti-capitalism, vegetarianism, feminism, human and animal rights become part of contemporary Lithuanian subculture, and "do-it-yourself" starts being cultivated as philosophy, not as necessity; the role of appearance (style) while expressing the cultural protest becomes almost insignificant, but still present.

The article focuses on the analysis of Lithuanian punk rock (also called punk/hardcore) subculture, especially its cultural influences from abroad during different historical periods. In order to achieve this goal, the main historical-cultural periods of the subculture were determined, the main features and values of the subculture of the periods determined were studied, and the features of Lithuanian and Western punk rock subculture were compared focusing on the main cultural influences. To obtain empirical data ethnographic research methods were applied: semi-structured in-depth interviews, questionnaires, analysis of group documents, etc. The respondents were chosen using the 'snow ball' sampling method. The research data were collected in 2005-2009. During the research, thirty semi-structured (in-depth) interviews with the most active and well-informed representatives of the subculture in Lithuanian were analysed. It can be concluded that during Soviet times, one of the main local features of Lithuanian punk rock subculture was ideological resistance towards communist system, and "do-it-yourself" ideas were cultivated as necessity. Cultural protest in this period was expressed by different appearance (style), in general. In the period of political thaw, Lithuanian punk rock subculture felt a kind of cultural verve, and it supported ideas of Lithuanian independence as well. After the retrieving of Lithuania's Independence, ideas of Western punk rock subculture began to flow intensively. In some time, the ideas of anti-capitalism, vegetarianism, feminism, human and animal rights become part of contemporary Lithuanian subculture, and "do-it-yourself" starts being cultivated as philosophy, not as necessity; the role of appearance (style) while expressing the cultural protest becomes almost insignificant, but still present.

The object of this master thesis is Russia's public policy in the sphere of domestic violence in the period 2017-2020. The goal of the thesis is to identify the characteristic features of Russia's public policy in the sphere of domestic violence in the period 2017-2020. The main tasks of the thesis: to conceptualize the basic political and social definitions in the framework of international use in the applied plane of the policy of the Russian Federation (public policy, non-democratic political culture, domestic violence, feminicide, gender discrimination); to identify the main actors lobbying and opposing the adoption of the draft law "On the prevention of domestic violence" and conduct its social and legal analysis; to identify the main legal documents protecting victims of domestic violence at the international level in comparison with existing documents ratified on the territory of the Russian Federation; to analyze Russian cases of victims of domestic violence to identify the formation of social patterns that influence the perception of this problem in the state and public field (the case of the Khachaturian sisters, Valeria Volodina, Shema Timagova); by using a gender prism, to carry out a discourse analysis of online documents in conjunction with an analysis of narrative in order to identify the characteristic features of the Russian public policy in the sphere of domestic violence. Empirical research is carried out in the tradition of qualitative methodology, using such methods as narrative analysis and discourse analysis. Chapter 2 of this thesis uses the method of document analysis using the example of the Draft Law "On the Prevention of Domestic Violence in the Russian Federation", and the master's work itself, which is an interdisciplinary study, is carried out through the prism of gender analysis. The specificity of public policy in the sphere of domestic violence in the Russian Federation lies in the authoritarianism of political culture with conservative patriarchal views on the institution of the family. It was revealed that due to the influence of the Russian Orthodox Church on the government in decision-making policy, the state cannot be secular. They indicated that the opponents of the draft law are expressing the concept of radical conservatism together with the ideas of national authenticity, deep intolerance towards supporters of feminism and gender ideology, refusal to ratify basic international documents, excluding the possibility of Russian society developing towards liberal trends. The liberal movement and lobbying of interests against feminicide are led by more female democratic actors