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El texto analiza la relación entre teoría feminista, antropología feminista e interseccionalidad. Se parte de dos hipótesis. Primera, hay una relación estrecha entre teoría feminista, feminismo(s) y antropología feminista, sobre todo a partir de su constitución dentro de la antropología social. Segunda, el enfoque interseccional se ha convertido en hegemónico dentro de la teoría feminista. Se hará un breve repaso por la trayectoria de la interseccionalidad en las discusiones feministas contemporáneas centrando el debate en una serie de cuestiones: posición, estructura, representación y reivindicación. A partir de estos dos supuestos se analizará la relación entre antropología feminista e interseccionalidad, mostrando las aportaciones mutuas y las limitaciones que puede representar el enfoque interseccional para la antropología feminista. ; The text analyzes the relationship between feminist theory, feminist anthropology and intersectionality. It is based on two hypotheses. First there is a close relationship between feminist theory, feminism (s) and feminist anthropology, especially from its constitution within social anthropology. Second, the intersectional approach has become hegemonic within feminist theory. There will be a brief review of the trajectory of intersectionality in contemporary feminist discussions, focusing the debate on a set of issues: position, structure, representation and vindication. From these two considerations the relationship between feminist anthropology and intersectionality will be analyzed, showing the mutual contributions and the limitations that the intersectional approach can represent in feminist anthropology. ; AEI FFI2016-75603-R ; FEDER FFI2016-75603-R

Over the past several decades, many pages and volumes have been written on the subject of feminist methods, including numerous issues of this journal that have been devoted to the topic. There are several important contributing factors to the ongoing focus on this diverse subject over such a broad span of time. First, feminist methods have been theorized and explored in virtually all research fields, including medicine, law, political science, history, sociology, linguistics, film and media studies and many, many others. Second, feminist approaches to research and knowledge have literally transformed these fields in broad-reaching and profound ways, shifting attention to previously undervalued or neglected topics, and shifting priorities and approaches to those previously studied. Feminist research has altered our understanding of our world, and has influenced the way that research is conducted, not only by feminist researchers, but by many researchers following the dictates of state-of-the-art in their fields. A third very significant reason for the sustained attention to feminist methods is that researchers who are dedicated to this type of work are engaged in a continual effort to extend the limits and definitions of their commitment to values such as egalitarianism, intersectionality, social change, and ethical challenges to the status quo, particularly as it relates to privilege and relations of power. Beginning with commitments to investigate the voices and experiences of women and to interrogate the gender binary, feminist methods have moved well beyond these initial foci to investigate the boundaries of meaning that these concepts and ideas suggest. ; Se han escrito muchas páginas acerca de un tema tan necesario y complejo como es el de las metodologías feministas, y en muchas ocasiones se han plasmado esas aportaciones en esta misma revista. Hay varios factores importantes que contribuyen a que se siga prestando atención a este tema desde hace ya décadas. En primer lugar, las metodologías feministas han recibido atención teórica y aplicaciones prácticas en la mayoría de los campos de investigación, tales como la medicina, el derecho, las ciencias políticas, la historia, la sociología, la lingüística, los estudios cinematográficos y de medios de comunicación, entre muchos otros. En segundo lugar, la labor desarrollada en el terreno de la investigación y del conocimiento feministas han transformado las principales disciplinas académicas, desplazando la atención hacia temas anteriormente infravalorados o descuidados, y cambiando las prioridades y los enfoques en aquellos que ya se habían estudiado anteriormente. La investigación feminista ha alterado de manera decisiva nuestra comprensión del mundo, y ha influido en los propios procedimientos a través de los cuales se aborda la investigación. Esto ha sido así no solo en el campo del feminismo, sino entre quienes investigan desde el rigor académico y siguen los dictados del estado del arte y quieren estar al día en los avances en sus respectivos campos de estudio están necesariamente al tanto de las metodologías feministas. Una tercera razón muy significativa para la atención prestada a los métodos feministas es que las investigadoras y los investigadores que se dedican a este tipo de trabajo mantienen un fuerte compromiso que se materializa en un esfuerzo continuo para ampliar los límites y definiciones de valores tales como la igualdad, la interseccionalidad, el cambio social y los desafíos éticos encaminados a promover la justicia social, particularmente en lo referente al mantenimiento de los privilegios y las relaciones de poder. A partir del compromiso orientado a investigar las voces y experiencias de las mujeres y cuestionar las dicotomías de género, los métodos feministas han ido más allá de estas prioridades iniciales para ir avanzando al ampliar los límites de significado que estos conceptos e ideas sugieren.

This article explores disagreements, resistances, and bargaining within the political dimension of cultural process. It, particularly examines problems coming out from the field of cultural policies and its public management regarding gender and (trans) feminists' issues. From a socio-anthropological methodological framework, we acknowledge two critical dimensions as challenges, but that they resulted from the fieldwork. The article proposes a better planning and sharper criteria in order to build up a more refined set of metrics. Results show how the political standing-point of making such plots visible within both designing and assessment in cultural policies could provide better data in order to improve planning and consistency in such policies. Furthermore, cultural players might draw some paths out of our results in order to identify the main challenges related to such issues in the cultural field, both at a domestic and an international level. ; Este artículo explora los disensos, resistencias y negociaciones puestos en juego en lo político del proceso cultural. Concretamente, examina los problemas que se configuran en el campo de las políticas culturales y su gestión pública vinculadas a las cuestiones de género(s)/(trans)feminismos. Aplicando una metodología socioantropológica, se resignifican como desafíos dos ejes problemáticos que emergieron sistemáticamente en el proceso investigativo y que han permitido sistematizar y organizar criterios para construir indicadores. Los resultados reflejan cómo el posicionamiento político de visibilizar dichas tramas en los diseños y evaluaciones de las acciones culturales podrían generar información para mejorar los niveles de coordinación y coherencia de dichas acciones. Asimismo, delinean pistas para que el sector identifique los problemas/desafíos relacionados con dichas cuestiones presentes en el campo cultural nacional y/o latinoamericano.

Mediante una visión crítica al panorama actual de las principales tendencias en las investigaciones bioarqueológicas, intentamos localizar las bases de las preguntas y los fundamentos teóricos que guían algunas propuestas en este campo de estudio. Consideramos en esta revisión que la influencia del enfoque biocultural en bioarqueología ha colaborado en reforzar una imagen actualista de las sociedades del pasado, que sirve, como en otros modelos hegemónicos, para presentar como naturales las actuales condiciones de disimetría social. Considerando la necesidad de una bioarqueología comprometida con una teoría social y políticamente explícita, intentamos aportar los elementos que justifican el requerimiento de la implementación de una práctica bioarqueológica en sintonía con una arqueología social, cuyo objetivo fundamental sea el conocimiento de las relaciones simétricas o disimétricas entre los colectivos sexuales y sociales en situaciones históricas concretas. ; Through a critical view to current panorama of the major trends in bioarchaeological research, we attempted to locate the issues and theoretical foundations that guide some proposals in this field. We consider in this review that the influence of bio-cultural approach in bioarchaeology has collaborated to reinforce an actualistic view of past societies, serving, like other hegemonic models to present current asymmetrical social conditions as natural. Considering the need for a Bioarchaeology committed to a socially and politically explicit theory, we try to provide the elements that justify the requirement for implementing a bioarchaeological practice in tune with a social archaeology, whose fundamental aim be the knowledge of symmetrical or dissymmetrical relationships between sexual and social groups in specific historical situations.

El presente trabajo parte del supuesto de que la no incorporación de la mujer en el escenario político - un hecho reciente, del siglo XX - ocurrió no a pesar del pensamiento democrático, sino porque la teoría democrática misma se sustentaba en esa exclusión de la mujer en el espacio público. Este supuesto es producto de la mirada crítica que desde el feminismo se ha hecho a las teorías clásicas de la democracia, concretamente, del contrato social. En este marco, Carole Pateman es una autora de la mayor relevancia, pues su crítica parte de la deconstrucción misma de los discursos clásicos sobre la democracia, y no desde fuera de él. El presente trabajo hace un seguimiento a las ideas principales de Pateman en su libro "The Disorder of Women", en torno a dos autores clásicos del contrato social, Rousseau y Locke, en torno a un tema esencial para entender la exclusión de la mujer del ámbito político: el contrato social, la esfera pública y sus sujetos, los ciudadanos. Para ello, nos apoyaremos de otros autores, como Mary Wollstonecraft, citada por la propia Pateman en dicho libro, y MacPherson, teórico y crítico del pensamiento liberal y de la democracia moderna. ; The present work is based on the assumption that the non-insertion of women in the political arena – a recent fact, 20th century – occurred not in spite of democratic thought, but because the democratic theory was based in that exclusion of women in the public space. This assumption is a product of the critical gaze that feminism has made to the classic theories of democracy, specifically, to the social contract. In this framework, Carole Pateman is an author of the highest relevance, since her criticism is based on the deconstruction of classic speeches about democracy, and not from outside. The present paper makes a follow-up of Pateman's main ideas in her book The Disorder of Women, around two classics of the social contract, Rousseau and Locke, about essential issues, to understand the exclusion of women from the political arena: the social contract, the public sphere and their subjects, the citizens. To do this, we will be based on other authors, such as Mary Wollstonecraft, cited by Pateman in that book, and C.B. MacPherson, a theorist and critic of the liberal thought and modern democracy.

We have written this article in order to let people know about the results of a recent research carried out to investigate the political and organizational development of the first feminist groups in the City of Rosario, Argentina. The feminist movements were first set up in the 80's, during the period between the end of the last Argentine dictatorship and the beginning of the recovery of democracy. We have analysed a wide range of different views and issues taken into account by three contemporary groups of women with not only diverse political backgrounds, but also unalike generations and social status, considering their evolution and the agencies they belong to, so as to depict the process of the creation of each of these groups. Our investigation is based on written sources of the period before mentioned, and also the oral history and analysis which derives from direct testimonies of women who took part in the movements which were involved in various of the events that occurred during those years. ; Con este artículo buscamos exponer los resultados de una investigación reciente en torno a la trayectoria política y organizativa de los primeros grupos feministas en la Ciudad de Rosario, Argentina. Situamos los primeros pasos de este movimiento en la década del 80, entre el fin de la última dictadura y los comienzos del proceso de recuperación de la democracia. A partir de historizar el proceso de conformación de tres grupos diferentes, pero contemporáneos entre sí, damos cuenta de las diversas miradas y temáticas abordadas, de las procedencias políticas, generacionales y de clase de estas mujeres, de sus agencias y de sus devenires. Nuestro trabajo se respalda en la historia oral como perspectiva investigativa y parte del análisis de testimonios directos de las protagonistas del movimiento en esos años, así como de otras fuentes escritas de la época.

Summary for several years ago, the proclaimed right to the city has become a major issue, alluding at the same time to two issues; on the one hand, the existence of a right subject (the citizen), who uses and resides in the city and, in its daily practice, transforms, means and reproduces urban space. On the other hand, differentiated citizenship whose access to this area is denied and restricted as a reflection of its socio-sexual, cultural, political and economic heterogeneity. This article presents a reflection on this issue, putting the rhetoric of town planning and progress on feminist space into tension, with the aim of moving forward with the construction of a proposal from the south: the right to the territory. ; Resumen Desde hace varios años, la proclama del derecho a la ciudad ha adquirido marcado protagonismo aludiendo simultáneamente a dos cuestiones; por un lado, la existencia de un sujeto de derecho (el ciudadano), quien usa y reside en la ciudad y, en su práctica cotidiana, transforma, significa y reproduce el espacio urbano. Por otro lado, una ciudadanía diferenciada cuyo acceso a este espacio se ve denegado y restringido como eco de su heterogeneidad sociosexual, cultural, política y económica. Este artículo presenta una reflexión que ahonda en esta problemática, poniendo en tensión el discurso del urbanismo y los avances en la espacialidad feminista con el objetivo de avanzar en la construcción de una propuesta desde el sur: el derecho al territorio.

The constant development of feminist theories allows for the gradual inclusion of different fields of knowledge as a way of taking into account the diversity of women. Thus, feminism shows its capacity to renew itself and question, once and again, its own epistemological propositions. Far from being a problem, this is, in fact, the strength of feminism or, more precisely, feminisms: their flexibility to include all women through dialogue and debate, both in the realm of political activism and of theory. The movement of women with disabilities is quite new in Spain and thus, it represents a significant theoretical and practical challenge for feminism. The diversity of the concept of disability itself and its various manifestations (physical, sensory, intellectual.), linked to the wide corpus of feminist theory, constitute a complex field which is being only recently studied from a theoretical point of view. In this article, I shall examine the diverse conceptualizations around women with disabilities. To do so, I will focus on their interaction with feminist theories in order to show their most problematic and challenging issues and taking into account how theoretical aspects influence the daily lives of women. A feminist theory of disability will favour enrichment for feminisms, for disability studies and for the lives of the women with disabilities themselves. ; Las teorías feministas se caracterizan por un desarrollo y ampliación constantes para abarcar distintos ámbitos y diferentes tipos de mujeres, demostrando así su capacidad para renovarse y para cuestionar, una y otra vez, sus propios presupuestos epistemológicos. Lejos de ser un problema, esta es precisamente la fuerza del feminismo o, más adecuadamente, de los feminismos: su flexibilidad para incluir paulatinamente a todas las mujeres a través del diálogo y el debate, tanto en el terreno del activismo político como en el teórico. El movimiento de mujeres con discapacidad es reciente en nuestro país y plantea preguntas y cuestiones que constituyen un ...

El presente artículo indaga en prácticas performáticas utilizadas como medios principales de denuncia y de visibilización de la violencia de género en los últimos años por artistas y por activistas latinoamericanas. En contextos de lucha feminista la acción performática agencia discursos que han sido expulsados y enviados a la periferia del campo social dominante. Se considera que dichos discursos producen una disputa por el capital simbólico de lo que es entendido por política y, por ende, de lo que es entendido por estética, cuestionando la noción hegemónica de gusto social asociada al imperativo heteropatriarcal. Para ello, se analizan tres manifestaciones performáticas acontecidas en los últimos cinco años en Chile y en la Argentina, tomando como referencia la primera movilización Ni Una Menos en la Argentina en el año 2015. ; This research article looks to explore the performance practices used to bring gender violence to the forefront of social consciousness by Latin American female artists and activists. These performances have been inspired by the modern feminist and their struggle to reverse how these issues have been pushed aside and out of the mainstream consciousness. These issues are controversial and the intention to keep them out of the social zeitgeist stems from fear of how they could encourage observers to question the current definition of politics and public perceptions of aesthetics; questioning the hegemonic notion of social judgment associated with the patriarchal imperative. For that purpose, three demonstrative art performances will be analysed; including those in both Chile and Argentina. The most notable of which was the «Ni Una Menos» —Not one less— demonstration in Argentina in 2015. ; Facultad de Artes

In this article, I propose a discussion regarding the place of bodies in the production of knowledge. In the task of rethinking epistemological, methodological and political issues oriented towards embodying ethnographies and developing an embodied anthropology, in these pages I highlight some socio-anthropological and critical feminist perspectives that have allowed me to consider and experience the ethnographic practice as a corporal practice. I also share some considerations of the ethnographic experience on the politicization of bodies and technologies from (trans)feminist perspectives and hacking practices, where I connect feminisms, feminist ethnography and the (trans)feminist projects shared by the activists as differentiated genealogies aimed at hacking normative codes and developing resistant knowledge from bodily experiences. ; En este artículo propongo una reflexión sobre el lugar de los cuerpos en la producción de conocimientos. En la tarea de repensar cuestiones epistemológicas, metodológicas y políticas orientadas a corporeizar las etnografías y desarrollar una antropología encarnada, en estas páginas destaco diversas perspectivas socio-antropológicas y feministas críticas que me han permitido experimentar la práctica etnográfica como corporal. A continuación, comparto algunas reflexiones procedentes de la experiencia etnográfica sobre la politización de los cuerpos y las tecnologías desde perspectivas (trans)feministas y prácticas hacking, donde conecto los feminismos, la etnografía feminista y los proyectos (trans)feministas compartidos por lxs entrevistadxs, en tanto genealogías diferenciadas dirigidas a hackear los códigos normativos de producción de conocimiento y a desarrollar conocimientos de resistencia desde las experiencias corporales. ; No presente artigo, proponho uma reflexão sobre o lugar dos corpos na produção dos conhecimentos. Na tarefa de repensar questões epistemológicas, metodológicas e políticas orientadas a corporalizar as etnografias e a desenvolver uma antropologia corporalizada, destaco diversas perspectivas sócio antropológicas, bem como perspectivas feministas críticas, que me permitiram experimentar a prática etnográfica como corporal. A seguir, compartilho algumas reflexões advindas da experiência etnográfica sobre a politização dos corpos e das tecnologias a partir de perspectivas (trans)feministas e de práticas de hacking, onde relaciono feminismos, etnografia feminista e projetos (trans)feministas compartilhados pelos entrevistados como genealogias diferenciadas que visam hackear os códigos normativos da produção de conhecimento e desenvolver conhecimento de resistência a partir de experiências corporais.

This article explores the processes of appropriation of social networks by the Chilean feminist movement in May 2018. There has been a virtual ethnography and participant observation of the digital initiatives carried out by the most relevant actors of the movement: the students, the organizations and parliamentarians of the Kirkwood bench. Specifically, the use of the main online platforms (Facebook and Twitter) was explored and their role in the protests was questioned in relation to three axes: a) proposed gender identity, b) slogans and dissemination of political ideas and c) functions of the networks social. The main conclusion reached was that the networks had an important informative role, as alternative sources to the discourse of the hegemonic media, expanding and making feminist issues visible in the public sphere and favoring the interaction between different voices. There is a predominance of an inclusive identity, which incorporates unity in difference, and a multiplicity of slogans, which shows the expansion of the new feminist political subject of the fourth wave: plural and diverse. ; Este artículo explora los procesos de apropiación de las redes sociales por parte del Mayo feminista chileno de 2018. Se ha realizado una etnografía virtual y observación participante de las iniciativas digitales llevadas a cabo por parte de las y los actores más relevantes del movimiento: los estudiantes, las organizaciones y las parlamentarias de la Bancada Kirkwood. Se exploró el uso de las principales plataformas online (Facebook y Twitter) y se cuestionó su papel en las protestas en relación con tres ejes: a) identidad de género propuesta, b) lemas y difusión de ideas políticas y c) funciones de las redes sociales. Se concluye que las redes tuvieron un importante rol informativo, como fuentes alternativas al discurso de los medios hegemónicos, expandiendo y visibilizando los temas feministas en la esfera pública y favoreciendo la interacción entre diferentes voces. Predomina una identidad incluyente, que ...

Este artículo explora los procesos de apropiación de las redes sociales por parte del Mayo feminista chileno de 2018. Se ha realizado una etnografía virtual y observación participante de las iniciativas digitales llevadas a cabo por parte de las y los actores más relevantes del movimiento: los estudiantes, las organizaciones y las parlamentarias de la Bancada Kirkwood. Se exploró el uso de las principales plataformas online (Facebook y Twitter) y se cuestionó su papel en las protestas en relación con tres ejes: a) identidad de género propuesta, b) lemas y difusión de ideas políticas y c) funciones de las redes sociales. Se concluye que las redes tuvieron un importante rol informativo, como fuentes alternativas al discurso de los medios hegemónicos, expandiendo y visibilizando los temas feministas en la esfera pública y favoreciendo la interacción entre diferentes voces. Predomina una identidad incluyente, que incorpora la unidad en la diferencia, y una multiplicidad de lemas, que evidencia la ampliación del nuevo sujeto político de la cuarta ola feminista: plural y diverso. ; This article explores the processes of appropriation of social networks by the Chilean feminist movement in May 2018. There has been a virtual ethnography and participant observation of the digital initiatives carried out by the most relevant actors of the movement: the students, the organizations and parliamentarians of the Kirkwood bench. Specifically, the use of the main online platforms (Facebook and Twitter) was explored and their role in the protests was questioned in relation to three axes: a) proposed gender identity, b) slogans and dissemination of political ideas and c) functions of the networks social. The main conclusion reached was that the networks had an important informative role, as alternative sources to the discourse of the hegemonic media, expanding and making feminist issues visible in the public sphere and favoring the interaction between different voices. There is a predominance of an inclusive identity, which ...

Las teorías feministas se caracterizan por un desarrollo y ampliación constantes para abarcar distintos ámbitos y diferentes tipos de mujeres, demostrando así su capacidad para renovarse y para cuestionar, una y otra vez, sus propios presupuestos epistemológicos. Lejos de ser un problema, esta es precisamente la fuerza del feminismo o, más adecuadamente, de los feminismos: su flexibilidad para incluir paulatinamente a todas las mujeres a través del diálogo y el debate, tanto en el terreno del activismo político como en el teórico. El movimiento de mujeres con discapacidad es reciente en nuestro país y plantea preguntas y cuestiones que constituyen un gran reto teórico y práctico para el feminismo. La amplitud y diversidad del propio concepto de discapacidad y sus diferentes manifestaciones (física, sensorial, intelectual.), unidas al amplio corpus de teoría feminista existente, constituyen un ámbito complejísimo que se está estudiando desde el punto de vista teórico sólo de forma incipiente. En el presente artículo se hará un repaso de las diversas conceptualizaciones en torno a las mujeres con discapacidad analizando cómo interactúan con las teorías feministas, a fin de poner de manifiesto las cuestiones que plantean mayores problemas y retos, teniendo en cuenta cómo los aspectos teóricos tienen repercusión sobre las condiciones de vida de las mujeres. Está claro que, como siempre ha sucedido, una teoría feminista de la discapacidad no puede suponer sino un enriquecimiento de los feminismos, de los estudios de discpacidad y de las vidas de las propias mujeres con discapacidad. ; The constant development of feminist theories allows for the gradual inclusion of different fields of knowledge as a way of taking into account the diversity of women. Thus, feminism shows its capacity to renew itself and question, once and again, its own epistemological propositions. Far from being a problem, this is, in fact, the strength of feminism or, more precisely, feminisms: their flexibility to include all women through dialogue and debate, both in the realm of political activism and of theory. The movement of women with disabilities is quite new in Spain and thus, it represents a significant theoretical and practical challenge for feminism. The diversity of the concept of disability itself and its various manifestations (physical, sensory, intellectual.), linked to the wide corpus of feminist theory, constitute a complex field which is being only recently studied from a theoretical point of view. In this article, I shall examine the diverse conceptualizations around women with disabilities. To do so, I will focus on their interaction with feminist theories in order to show their most problematic and challenging issues and taking into account how theoretical aspects influence the daily lives of women. A feminist theory of disability will favour enrichment for feminisms, for disability studies and for the lives of the women with disabilities themselves.

El presente trabajo ha sido realizado con apoyo de la Coordinación de Perfeccionamiento de Personal de Nivel Superior - Brasil (CAPES) - Código de Financiación 001. ; En 2014 Suecia fue el primer país en afirmar que pasaría a desarrollar una política exterior feminista (PEF). Este anuncio suscitó varias especulaciones sobre lo que significaría la inserción del paradigma feminista como política exterior. Autores y centros de estudio fueron, a lo largo de estos años, definiendo que una PEF trataría de un cambio en la ética de la política internacional revisando actores, estructuras y narrativas que tienden a generar una desigualdad de género y que suma opresiones de raza, identidad, etnia, religión, entre otros. En este contexto, este estudio se considera importante al desarrollar un análisis en torno a la aplicación de la PEF sueca desde una perspectiva del Sur global, con el objetivo de observar las narrativas sobre las prácticas de cooperación sueca en el ámbito de la PEF. En este sentido, se ha optado por analizar la retórica sobre los resultados de la cooperación sueca en los tres primeros años de PEF de manera a observar si la narrativa sobre los resultados también presenta el mismo cambio propuesto por la definición de la cooperación, o si reproduce, en alguna medida, los discursos tradicionales. Este estudio fue realizado a partir del análisis de la narrativa presentada en documentos producidos por el gobierno sueco en el año de 2017. Se puede concluir que, a pesar de que Suecia ha avanzado en el tema al integrar las demandas de los movimientos feministas a sus políticas de estado y gobierno, aún se puede observar la reproducción de discursos tradicionales de la cooperación internacional al desarrollo. Puesto que en su retórica no se explotan las asociaciones con los estados del Sur receptores de la cooperación y mantiene actores de la cooperación tradicional del Norte, reforzando el uso de la categoría género como indicador en la ayuda al desarrollo y poco cuestionadora de las relaciones de poder existentes entre Norte y Sur. ; The announcement of Sweden's adherence to a feminist perspective on its foreign policy contributed to the gender agenda debate being broadened internationally. Therefore, it is considered important to analyze, from the South, how feminist foreign policy (FFP) has modified the discourses on traditional practices in foreign policy. In order to carry out this study, the Swedish International Cooperation agenda was selected as a case to be examined. This research takes into account that the debate on gender and development has been articulated at least since the 1970s, and several contributions have underlined the need to question the power patterns involving the cooperation policies of the countries from North to South (Aguinaga et al, 2011). Moreover, over the years countless alternatives to traditional and hierarchical practices of cooperation have been articulated by feminist women in both the South and the global North. Given that Sweden adopted, as part of the feminist paradigm, the habit of carrying out a review of its policies, this study is developed from an analysis of Swedish rhetoric in the document on FFP policy practices released in 2017. Taking into account the narrative of seven themes, the extent to which there has been an insertion of the debates developed by Southern Feminisms in discourses on practices is debated. In the first part of this article, a theoretical review is carried out on the debate around the construction of feminist solidarity in international politics (Mohanty, 2003; 2008). It is understood that the category of women was included in the cooperation programs and policies through the process of homogenization of differences; that is, it was based on a universal assumption about feminist demands, without including the perspectives of the states receiving policies. Thus, a process of naturalization and generalization on the discursive performance and international practice on North-South cooperation was established. This has resulted in an elaboration on women of the North and South in opposite directions, in which there is an idea that one has to teach the other how to achieve gender equality. The argument of this study is that an FFP pursues the goal of building a shared relationship, in which cooperation is an interaction without hierarchies between the states involved; that is, there is a feminist solidarity in the construction of policies. In other words, it seeks to identify the differences around gender issues and the category of women, adding them to political perspectives and thus developing more universal international approaches. While this should be an objective pursued by a FFP, and while there has also been discussion of what happens in traditional cooperation practices and discourses, northern countries tend to homogenize differences between women. This is done in line with neoliberal feminist perspectives, and does not include analyses of the patriarchal structure that promotes gender coloniality and generates subinclusive and superinclusive policies (Crenshaw, 2002). In the second part of the article, the Swedish context that contributed to the elaboration of a paradigmatic feminist policy is presented. The country's women's social movements have had the capacity to articulate with the state over the years, which has accessed the welfare state and encouraged governments to assume discourses and policies that provide gender equality. The basis of this action is the formulation of the Swedish welfare state, which has elaborated domestically movement towards gender equality, and included social feminist demands in the formulation of public policies. In 2014, this perspective was formally placed in international politics and, consequently, in the country's agendas, such as international development cooperation. With regard to this context of progress, the Swedish 2017 document was analyzed, seeking to identify elements that would point to a reproduction of the traditional perspective of cooperation in the country's rhetoric on the effectiveness of cooperation. This is where the actors of the North are the majority in the agreements, and where there is no discursive representation of the demands of the collectives of the South nor the processes of joint construction with the receiving countries. In the study, it was possible to verify, like Nylund (2017), that the feminist foreign policy of Sweden produces totally feminist discourses, but also post-colonial rhetoric. In the feminist sense, we highlight the articulation capacity of feminism between the Swedish state and the feminist movements of the country in order to recognize, as in Llistar (2009), that when a country has the capacity to absorb the demands of social collectives in its international agendas -in the case of cooperation- it can be said that it is a cooperation of solidarity with low selfish interests. On the other hand, when we argue that Sweden has postcolonial discourses, we mean that, although it points out in its FFP manual that it seeks to develop a horizontal and intersectional policy, with the inclusion of local participation, in its rhetoric about the practice of cooperation the country does not emphasize joint actions with receiving countries. A narrative was also observed that values the performance of the state itself as a donor and its traditional partners in the North, such as development banks and private actors. Nevertheless, it does not present the integration of the critical vision of the southern feminisms on this classic performance of international cooperation. In this way, it is argued that one side of feminist solidarity is missing. This means that, although there is recognition of the advance of Swedish feminisms in favoring the development of an FFP, the valorization and presentation of the performance of the southern actors is still lacking in the rhetoric in the results. So that, once again, they are not described as passive actors of cooperation, but that their different and critical perspectives contribute to the presentation of a more plural and universal discourse. Finally, this article concludes that the development of critical analyses from the global South contributes to FFP being articulated in pursuit of the goal of feminist solidarity. We do not propose this analysis as a way to deny the advances established by Swedish politics, but to integrate the other part of feminist solidarity: including the vision of the South in the formulation of the agenda. ; Coordinación de Perfeccionamiento de Personal de Nivel Superior - Brasil (CAPES) - Código de Financiación 001

The announcement of Sweden's adherence to a feminist perspective on its foreign policy contributed to the gender agenda debate being broadened internationally. Therefore, it is considered important to analyze, from the South, how feminist foreign policy (FFP) has modified the discourses on traditional practices in foreign policy. In order to carry out this study, the Swedish International Cooperation agenda was selected as a case to be examined. This research takes into account that the debate on gender and development has been articulated at least since the 1970s, and several contributions have underlined the need to question the power patterns involving the cooperation policies of the countries from North to South (Aguinaga et al, 2011). Moreover, over the years countless alternatives to traditional and hierarchical practices of cooperation have been articulated by feminist women in both the South and the global North. Given that Sweden adopted, as part of the feminist paradigm, the habit of carrying out a review of its policies, this study is developed from an analysis of Swedish rhetoric in the document on FFP policy practices released in 2017. Taking into account the narrative of seven themes, the extent to which there has been an insertion of the debates developed by Southern Feminisms in discourses on practices is debated. In the first part of this article, a theoretical review is carried out on the debate around the construction of feminist solidarity in international politics (Mohanty, 2003; 2008). It is understood that the category of women was included in the cooperation programs and policies through the process of homogenization of differences; that is, it was based on a universal assumption about feminist demands, without including the perspectives of the states receiving policies. Thus, a process of naturalization and generalization on the discursive performance and international practice on North-South cooperation was established. This has resulted in an elaboration on women of the North and South in opposite directions, in which there is an idea that one has to teach the other how to achieve gender equality. The argument of this study is that an FFP pursues the goal of building a shared relationship, in which cooperation is an interaction without hierarchies between the states involved; that is, there is a feminist solidarity in the construction of policies. In other words, it seeks to identify the differences around gender issues and the category of women, adding them to political perspectives and thus developing more universal international approaches. While this should be an objective pursued by a FFP, and while there has also been discussion of what happens in traditional cooperation practices and discourses, northern countries tend to homogenize differences between women. This is done in line with neoliberal feminist perspectives, and does not include analyses of the patriarchal structure that promotes gender coloniality and generates subinclusive and superinclusive policies (Crenshaw, 2002). In the second part of the article, the Swedish context that contributed to the elaboration of a paradigmatic feminist policy is presented. The country's women's social movements have had the capacity to articulate with the state over the years, which has accessed the welfare state and encouraged governments to assume discourses and policies that provide gender equality. The basis of this action is the formulation of the Swedish welfare state, which has elaborated domestically movement towards gender equality, and included social feminist demands in the formulation of public policies. In 2014, this perspective was formally placed in international politics and, consequently, in the country's agendas, such as international development cooperation. With regard to this context of progress, the Swedish 2017 document was analyzed, seeking to identify elements that would point to a reproduction of the traditional perspective of cooperation in the country's rhetoric on the effectiveness of cooperation. This is where the actors of the North are the majority in the agreements, and where there is no discursive representation of the demands of the collectives of the South nor the processes of joint construction with the receiving countries. In the study, it was possible to verify, like Nylund (2017), that the feminist foreign policy of Sweden produces totally feminist discourses, but also post-colonial rhetoric. In the feminist sense, we highlight the articulation capacity of feminism between the Swedish state and the feminist movements of the country in order to recognize, as in Llistar (2009), that when a country has the capacity to absorb the demands of social collectives in its international agendas -in the case of cooperation- it can be said that it is a cooperation of solidarity with low selfish interests. On the other hand, when we argue that Sweden has postcolonial discourses, we mean that, although it points out in its FFP manual that it seeks to develop a horizontal and intersectional policy, with the inclusion of local participation, in its rhetoric about the practice of cooperation the country does not emphasize joint actions with receiving countries. A narrative was also observed that values the performance of the state itself as a donor and its traditional partners in the North, such as development banks and private actors. Nevertheless, it does not present the integration of the critical vision of the southern feminisms on this classic performance of international cooperation. In this way, it is argued that one side of feminist solidarity is missing. This means that, although there is recognition of the advance of Swedish feminisms in favoring the development of an FFP, the valorization and presentation of the performance of the southern actors is still lacking in the rhetoric in the results. So that, once again, they are not described as passive actors of cooperation, but that their different and critical perspectives contribute to the presentation of a more plural and universal discourse. Finally, this article concludes that the development of critical analyses from the global South contributes to FFP being articulated in pursuit of the goal of feminist solidarity. We do not propose this analysis as a way to deny the advances established by Swedish politics, but to integrate the other part of feminist solidarity: including the vision of the South in the formulation of the agenda. ; En 2014 Suecia fue el primer país en afirmar que pasaría a desarrollar una Política Exterior Feminista (PEF). Este anuncio suscitó varias especulaciones sobre lo que significaría la inserción del paradigma feminista como política exterior. Autores y centros de estudio fueron, a lo largo de estos años, definiendo que una PEF trataría de un cambio en la ética de la política internacional revisando actores, estructuras y narrativas que tienden a generar una desigualdad de género y que suma opresiones de raza, identidad, etnia, religión, entre otros. En este contexto, este estudio se considera importante al desarrollar un análisis en torno a la aplicación de la PEF sueca desde una perspectiva del Sur global, con el objetivo de observar las narrativas sobre las prácticas de cooperación sueca en el ámbito de la PEF. En este sentido, se ha optado por analizar la retórica sobre los resultados de la cooperación sueca en los tres primeros años de PEF de manera a observar si la narrativa sobre los resultados también presenta el mismo cambio propuesto por la definición de la cooperación, o si reproduce, en alguna medida, los discursos tradicionales. Este estudio fue realizado a partir del análisis de la narrativa presentada en documentos producidos por el gobierno sueco en el año de 2017. Se puede concluir que, a pesar de que Suecia ha avanzado en el tema al integrar las demandas de los movimientos feministas a sus políticas de Estado y gobierno, aún se puede observar la reproducción de discursos tradicionales de la cooperación internacional al desarrollo. Puesto que en su retórica no se explotan las asociaciones con los Estados del Sur receptores de la cooperación y mantiene actores de la cooperación tradicional del Norte, reforzando el uso de la categoría género como indicador en la ayuda al desarrollo y poco cuestionadora de las relaciones de poder existentes entre Norte y Sur.