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Intersectionality has been adopted as the preferred term to refer to and to analyze multiple axes of oppression in feminist theory. However, less research examines if this term, and the political analyses it carries, has been adopted by women's rights organizations in various contexts and to what effect. Drawing on interviews with activists working in a variety of women's rights organizations in France and Canada, I show that intersectionality is only one of the repertoires that a women's rights organization might use to analyze the social experience and the political interests of women situated at the intersection of several axes of domination. I propose a typology of four repertoires that activists use to reflect on intersectionality and inclusiveness. Drawing on a quantitative and qualitative analysis of the interview data, I show that hegemonic repertoires about racial or religious identity in one national context shape the way activists and organizations understand intersectionality and its challenges. The identity of organizations, as well as their main function (advocacy or providing service), also shape their understanding of intersectional issues.

The relation between politics and gender is contentious, which is further implied in the feminist critique of the state. This paper assumes that the nature of the state is gendered. With this ontological position of critical worldview, it aims to synthesize the gendered nature of politics. Methodologically, it is based on the secondary literature and thus the authors did not offer their empirical data to synthesize the major arguments so far. It has first discussed the feminist theoretical debates about the worldview of the state and then offered the empirical issues of power and citizenship. It argues that the state is constructed with contradictions in terms of uneven allocation of resources, gendered institutions, androcentric leadership, and male-biased policies. In this context, the paper analyzes the state as an androcentric construction that is political, coupled with uneven gender relations. The authors also agree that politics eventually makes up the state - the supreme of power and hegemony against the women. The paper finally observes a need for further research works to critique the regimes, hegemony, and institutions of the state at the macro-level and identity, self-dignity, and citizenship of women in the state at the micro-level.

Gender is such a fascinating and complex topic to write on that our authors' work, even after five years, does not stop amazing us. This volume comprises five contributions focusing on gender issues in different parts of the world, such as Europe, India, Nigeria and China. Dixita Deka's work discusses her experiences as a researcher while researching on extrajudicial killings in the North East state of Assam in India. Pamela Basante in her article, talks about the perception of hijab in European society and to have a better understanding of Muslim women's lives. In the next article, Ransom discusses the lack of economic data among the matrilineal societies. She has analysed a few articles on this topic and provides her insights and analysis by enriching the literature. Aloy et al., in the following article, touch on the controversial topic of men facing domestic violence in Nigeria. Their work enriches the wider debate of patriarchy and gender violence and myths associated around it. The last contribution is by Ambika Kohli. She has provided a brief note on the newly published book 'Gender and Education: Essays from Economic and Political Weekly'. We invite contributions for next year's issue. Please email your work at ambikkohli@hotmail.com The Editorial Board Team

Shobha De, a feminist writer, depicts her female protagonists in a forceful way and uses the plot to emphasize her point that personal is not private but political. The protagonists in her works were outspoken critics of conventional society and its rules. They are not the typical women who accept abusive, unsatisfying, or uncomfortable relationships (in all aspects). It could be male dominance, objectification, sexual discontent, passion, or something else entirely. They don't keep it hidden because they believe it is taboo. On the other hand, the male characters are not shown as villains, but it is evident from the plot that they are products of patriarchal society. Gender issues in her works aren't about female oppression in terms of domestic violence; rather, they are about the sexual vacuum that all of the female characters experience. Male characters were traditionally assigned duties such as sexually active, powerful, and have self-identity, but these female figures defy such stereotypes. They represent women by demonstrating that they too have sexual wants, power, and a need for self-identity. As a result, this research focuses on Shobha De's novels Socialite Evenings (1989), Sisters (1992), Starry Nights (1991), Second Thoughts (1996), which all deal with gender issues. The study not only examines issues but sheds light on the protagonists' struggles to find self-identity.

This article focuses on gender issues in post-election protests in Iran in 2009, and more generally the place of women and feminists in power protest movements. Their significant representation in these movements lies in the gap between their gains in terms of access to public, material or virtual space, and citizenship, and their exclusion from the institutional political space. ; International audience ; This article focuses on gender issues in post-election protests in Iran in 2009, and more generally the place of women and feminists in power protest movements. Their significant representation in these movements lies in the gap between their gains in terms of access to public, material or virtual space, and citizenship, and their exclusion from the institutional political space. ; Cet article porte sur les enjeux de genre dans les manifestations post-électorales en Iran en 2009, et plus généralement la place des femmes et des féministes dans les mouvements de contestation du pouvoir. Leur représentation importante dans ces mouvements tient à l'écart entre leurs gains en termes d'accès à l'espace public, matériel ou virtuel, et de citoyenneté, et leur exclusion de l'espace politique institutionnel.

Canada's Feminist International Assistance Policy (FIAP), launched in June 2017, marks the first time that sexual orientation and gender identity (SOGI) have been mentioned in an overarching Canadian aid policy. The inclusion of SOGI in the policy document sent an important signal to domestic and international development partners on the need to consider these sources of discrimination and marginalization. This article asks two basic research questions. First, what is the place of SOGI in Canada's "feminist" international assistance? Second, what additional steps does Canada's development program need to take to protect the rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI) people in the Global South? Based on an analysis of official documents and secondary sources, we argue that FIAP itself sends only a weak signal about the importance of SOGI-related concerns, but Canadian foreign aid has expanded its understanding of LGBTI issues and has begun to commit dedicated resources to addressing them. Nonetheless, the initial programming (2017–2019) was channelled in an ad hoc manner and through one, major stand-alone commitment, rather than through a broader framework that would guide SOGI's integration into Canadian programs over the long term. If serious about addressing LGBTI rights more systematically, the Canadian government needs to expand its definition of what SOGI entails and move beyond niche programming to recognize the cross-cutting dimension of LGBTI rights in foreign aid, especially in the area of sexual and reproductive health and rights.

As questões políticas e estéticas que emergem da prática ativista feminista, expressa no estudo de caso que vamos analisar: imagens/fotografias/memes postados no perfil do Instagram da personagem/performer Ex-Miss Febem, criada pela artista e ativista Aleta Valente. Nesse contexto, refletiremos as noções de Beatriz Preciado de "tecnologias do gênero" e "contrassexualidade" na construção de um pós-feminismo. ; The political and aesthetic issues that emerge from feminist activist practice, expressed in the case study that we are going to analyze: images/photographs/memes posted in the Instagram profile of the character/performer Ex-Miss Febem, created by the artist and activist Aleta Valente. In this context, we will reflect Beatriz Preciado's notions of "gender technologies" and "counter-sexuality" in the construction of a post-feminism.

During the martial law era (1972-1986), the militant nuns were the most visible symbols of political activism: they dominated the Task Force Detainees, they were active in the underground press, and were present in the labour strikes and demonstrations. But, in becoming political activists, they discovered the potential of moral power as women religious figures. During the People Power revolution, for example, the nuns – armed only with rosaries, confronted the military (the supreme example of machismo politics) and triumphed. In the process of attacking political oppression, these nuns also began to challenge cultural constructions of the feminine – becoming the first overt feminists to do so in Philippine history. This paper explores how martial law transformed these women into militant activists and feminists. Although driven by their struggle to protect the victims of martial law, they also succeeded in empowering themselves. This new 'moral power' has since been harnessed for women's issues.

In response to Wollman's assertion that 'despite its left-leaning approach to the many social and political issues it tackles, Hair is jarringly old-fashioned in its depictions of women', this article instead proposes that Hair's sung moments function as acts of resistance against the hegemonic, patriarchal values of musical theatre in both form and content. By adopting Annette Schlichter's proposition of a 'feminist phonocentrism' which positions the voice as a 'metaphor of agency and self-representation [.] thereby allowing for an authentic self-presence', the analysis presented illustrates a rejection of historical discourses that persistently link the female voice to an absence of social and cultural authority. With specific reference to songs from the score and their interpretations, this article celebrates 'girl talk' forming at the margins. ; University of Wolverhampton

Many critics of Doctorow have classified him as a postmodernist writer, acknowledging that a wide number of thematic and stylistic features of his early fiction emanate from the postmodern context in which he took his first steps as a writer. Yet, these novels have an eminently social and ethical scope that may be best perceived in their intellectual engagement and support of feminist concerns. This is certainly the case of Doctorow's fourth and most successful novel, Ragtime. The purpose of this paper will be two-fold. I will explore Ragtime's indebtedness to postmodern aesthetics and themes, but also its feminist elements. Thus, on the one hand, I will focus on issues of uncertainty, indeterminacy of meaning, plurality and decentering of subjectivity; on the other hand, I will examine the novel's attitude towards gender oppression, violence and objectification, its denunciation of hegemonic gender configurations and its voicing of certain feminist demands. This analysis will lead to an examination of the problematic collusion of the mostly white, male, patriarchal aesthetics of postmodernism and feminist politics in the novel. I will attempt to establish how these two traditionally conflicting modes coexist and interact in Ragtime.

Exploration of women's issues in Vietnam strengthens the emerging voice of the "exotic other female" in contemporary international feminist discourse. Any women's movement in Vietnam today must be cast as the revitalization of the Vietnamese woman's collective cultural identity, rather than as a Western imported feminist doctrine. The Vietnamese woman's collective cultural identity is based on the history and cultural folklores of Vietnam, including expressions of feminist ideas in law and literature, and a long history of warfare and collective sufferings, wherein women have been seen as martyrs, national treasures, and laborers in war and in peace. The advocacy of gender equality in Vietnam today is limited by eight "risk factors." First, Vietnam's strong matriarchal heritage that persisted through its early history has at times led to the disingenuous proposition that Vietnam has no need for a feminist movement. Second, Vietnam's repetitive, prolonged war and poverty have together overshadowed gender issues. Third, women's movements in Vietnam have not evolved into a doctrine with a structured basis that is independent from nationalism, socialism, or literary movements. Fourth, gender equality in Vietnam has become entangled in what this Article describes as the "fallacy of a trio," in which gender equality becomes synonymous with nationalism and socialism. Fifth, the rule of law in Vietnam has traditionally been considered secondary to customs derived from the oppressive values of Vietnamese Confucian society and the autonomy of the Vietnamese agricultural villages. Sixth, women's rights advocacy has been caught up in the "universality versus cultural relativism" discussion, further complicated by the question of whether there should be "Asian-styled gender rights" in Vietnam. Seventh, Vietnam, despite its age, is a new nation with a wide variety of philosophical bases, legal traditions, and paradoxical values. Finally, the single-party political system of modem Vietnam renders any feminist movement ...

The article explores two questions: what is feminist bioethics, and how different it is from standard bioethics. Development of feminist bioethics, it is argued, began as a response to standard bioethics, challenging its background values, and philosophical perspectives. The most important contribution of feminist bioethics has been its re-examination of the basic conceptual underpinnings of mainstream bioethics, including the concepts of "universality", "autonomy", and "trust". Particularly important for feminists has been the concept of autonomy. They challenge the old liberal notion of autonomy that treats individuals as separate social units and argue that autonomy is established through relations. Relational autonomy assumes that identities and values are developed through relationships with others and that the choices one makes are shaped by specific social and historical contexts. Neither relational autonomy, nor feminist bioethics, however, represents a single, unified perspective. There are, actually, as many feminist bioethics as there are feminisms—liberal, cultural, radical, postmodern etc. Their different ontological, epistemological and political underpinnings shape their respective approaches to bioethical issues at hand. Still what they all have in common is interest in social justice—feminists explore mainstream bioethics and reproductive technologies in order to establish whether they support or impede gender and overall social justice and equality. Feminist bioethics thus brings a significant improvement to standard bioethics.

How do the international rules of work and economic activity treat occupation? What work is constantly absent from the data base for determining public resource allocations and investments? What occupies those whose work is unpaid? Is this work visible in occupational science research? This essay addresses links between feminist economics and unpaid work, and occupation science and over occupation, through a human rights lens. It proposes opportunities for political economists and occupational scientists to work together on these issues.

The collection consists of correspondence, minutes, and printed materials pertaining to the organization and activities of the Depo Diaries, a national storytelling project of the Committee on Women, Population, and the Environment (CWPE), 1999-2008. Files include forms and questionnaires for participants in the project, promotional flyers, meeting minutes, and printed materials pertaining to reproductive justice and other CWPE activities. ; Formed in 2001, the Committee on Women, Population, and the Environment (CWPE), a multi-racial alliance of feminist community organizers, scholarly activists, and health practitioners, is committed to promoting the social and economic empowerment of women in a context of global peace and justice; and to eliminating poverty. As an organization, CWPE supports women's right to safe, voluntary birth control and abortion, while strongly opposing demographically driven population policies, challenging the belief that population growth is the primary cause of environmental degradation, conflict, and growing poverty, working to provide a broader analysis that reflects the complexity of these issues. CWPE works to build partnerships with community organizers, scholar-activists, and health practitioners to accomplish its political goals, coordinating three task forces: the Dangerous Contraceptive Task Force; the Immigration, Environment, and Gender Task Force; and the Gender, Eugenics, and Biotechnology Task Force. These are the vehicles through which CWPE builds strong coalitions to challenge oppressive population control policies. In addition, CWPE also coordinates three critical initiatives designed to address and undermine reproductive violence and increase reproductive self-determination: Stop C.R.A.C.K.!, Depo Diaries, and Stop Sex Selection!. Depo Diaries was a national storytelling project with an emphasis on reproductive justice with the goal of uncovering a more accurate picture of the range and kinds of side effects women experience from Depo-Provera (trademarked name of medroxyprogesterone, an injected contraceptive).

The aim of this thesis is to explain how the benefits of gender are understood in NATO's official gender policy agenda. During the past decade, gender issues have gained increasing attention with regards to conflict resolution and post-conflict reconstruction. The research material is gathered from NATO's website, where the special section dedicated to gender policy has existed for some years. The empirical material consists of multiple kinds of documents, thus the analysis method is content analysis. By applying feminist international relations theory and Michel Foucault's concepts of biopower and governmentality, it is shown that gender is perceived in NATO as a concept that is supposed to collaborate with organizational objectives. However, the accelerating "gender awareness" is not challenging the existing masculine power structures in NATO. At NATO, an inside enquiry has yielded the results that gender is not unequivocally defined. Regardless of the intricacy, gender is articulated to indicate the biolog cal female sex. Gender is also a biopolitical apparatus to govern the sexual difference between male and female. This thesis concludes that NATO's intentions of increasing female participation by mainstreaming gender perspectives is an attempt to react to the ongoing change in the security sector and to support peace and humanity, that by turn are the very concepts of modern era that should be re-evaluated. In Foucauldian sense, this is also a question of war and its definition. There is a relational force to the ways in which war intersects with power and life under modern conditions. It also has an individuating force. The main dilemma of gender is twofold: female NATO-personnel are presented as empathic communicators, thus independent, whilst the women in targeted countries become presented as a homogenous group, which needs to be secured. All together the discussion about the role of women in the military, as the discussion of "women as victims" is a part of the process of globalization. The conclusions of this thesis are twofold. Firstly, we shall analyse the role of women working for the military, and the gender roles within the military. Secondly, when attention is given to the local women, we receive another concept of "womanhood", which is created within Western feminist academic discourse by creating the "other" women. These "other" women are the ones to be secured. These two ways of perceiving womanhood does not lead to universal feminism, as it ends up promoting the division between the (developed) West and the (underdeveloped) rest. Another question is, if there should be a common feminist objective based on gender that is a very fluid concept even within feminist discourse.