Suchergebnisse

This dissertation examines Elfriede Jelinek's investigation of Austria's and Western Europe's "obscene fantasies" through her "perversion" of generic forms in three of her best-known texts (Die Liebhaberinnen, Lust, and Die Klavierspielerin). It also investigates how these texts, at first glance less overtly political than Jelinek's later work, can be seen as laying the groundwork for her later, more political, analysis of Austrian fascism and racism. The dissertation is composed of three chapters; each investigates a central psychoanalytic concept (alienation, jouissance, perversion and sublimation) and reads a Jelinek text in relation to the genre that it is perverting, exposing the "obscene fantasies" that lie at its heart. Chapter One examines how Jelinek depicts alienation (in the Marxist, socialist feminist, and Lacanian senses) in her 1975 novel Die Liebhaberinnen, and explores how Jelinek's depiction of alienation functions to make Die Liebhaberinnen an anti-romance. Chapter Two addresses whether Jelinek's novel Lust (1989) is a pornographic or anti-pornographic text. I investigate the complex relationship between aesthetics and pornography, arguing that many other Jelinek scholars collapse the distinction between mass-cultural forms of pornography and the high-cultural pornography of Bataille and Sade, and thus fail to understand how her text is simultaneously pornographic and anti-pornographic. Chapter Three focuses on Jelinek's novel Die Klavierspielerin (1983), examining the development of its protagonist as a (perverse) sexual subject, and her ultimate failure to achieve a stable sexual position and how Jelinek's text perverts the genre of the Künstlerroman. It also discusses Erika's training as a pianist as a possible causal factor of her perversions and lack of sexual identity, concluding that her inability to sublimate demonstrates the similarities (and differences) between the artist and the pervert, illustrating how Jelinek's novel deviates from the traditional Künstlerroman. The dissertation argues that the disruption of genres is one of Jelinek's most significant literary contributions, her works functioning to create a "negative aesthetics" as opposed to a positive reworking of generic forms. Jelinek rejects an identificatory mode of writing and refuses to create "positive" subjects, preferring instead to produce art that is a "critique of praxis as the rule of brutal self-preservation at the heart of the status quo" (Adorno, Aesthetic Theory, 12).

This book's primary theoretical targets are methodological problems and political biases in China studies, and it uses scholarly and administrative discourses about female prostitution in order to illustrate the field's shortcomings. As befits its embrace of the text-based "new humanities," its sources are scholarly debates, police and government reports, and secondary sources rather than ethnographic fieldwork.Jeffreys argues that China studies suffers from several problems. First, it has methodological deficiencies: China studies is dominated by scholars who wrongly claim to have access to the "truth" about China because of their linguistic skills; as "nation-translators" they produce positivist, realist, empiricist works disconnected from the theoretically-oriented "new humanities." Moreover, scholars who do attempt to apply postmodern or postcolonial theories to China engage it as an object that can illustrate their theories, never as a subject that can generate theory. In short, Anglophone authors privilege the metropolitan discourse and ignore what Chinese people have to say. Secondly, the field suffers from political biases: China Studies is still mired in a Cold War ideological framework in which scholars accept the word of the CCP only "to turn it back on the CCP … to show how and where the CCP and Chinese Marxism have failed" (p. 41). Their analytical reliance on the state/civil society dichotomy emphasizes the power of the state over and above society, with the implication that only non-state actors can speak truthfully. This "preclude[s] the possibility that there might be anything positive or productive about the operation of power in China" (p. 41). Jeffreys advocates replacing the state/civil society dichotomy with the Foucauldian notion of "governmentality," which forces one to examine the complex historical background and administrative networks in which government officials are enmeshed, and which creates the limits of the possible for them. Lastly, she argues that international NGOs and metropolitan feminists are fundamentally misguided when they push the Chinese government to recognize the validity of sex work because they have no idea what the actual ramifications of this would be in the Chinese context. Such a policy would, unlike the commonsense efforts of the Chinese police, make life worse, not better, for prostitutes.

CLARKSON, STEPHEN. Uncle Sam and US: Globalization, Neoconservatism, and the
Canadian State. By W. Andy Knight 899WALLOT, JEAN-PIERRE, sous la direction de. La Commission Pepin-Robarts quelque
vingt ans aprés. Le débat qui n'a pas eu lieu. Par Simon Langois 900MARTIN, MICHEL, dir. Andrée Ferretti : La passion de l'engagement. Discours et textes
(1964-2001). Par Denyse Côté 902ABU-LABAN, YASMEEN and CHRISTINA GABRIEL. Selling Diversity: Immigration, Multiculturalism,
Employment Equity, and Globalization. By Leslie A. Pal 905HALE, GEOFFREY, The Politics of Taxation in Canada. By Michael J. Prince 906NOLIN, PIERRE CLAUDE, Président. Le cannabis. Rapport du Comité spécial du Sénat
sur les drogues illicites. Par Line Beauchesne 907TARDY, ÉVELYNE. Les femmes et les conseils municipaux du Québec. Par Jocelyne
Praud 909PERL, ANTHONY. New Departures: Rethinking Rail Passenger Policy in the Twenty-
First Century. By Dan Madar 912FREITAG, MICHEL, avec la collaboration d'Yves Bonny. L'oubli de la société : Pour une
théorie critique de la postmodernité. Par Ulric Deschênes 913BERNSTEIN, STEVEN. The Compromise of Liberal Environmentalism. By Matthew
Paterson 915LEISS, WILLIAM. In the Chamber of Risks: Understanding Risk Controversies. By
James Tansey 916THÉRET, BRUNO. Protection sociale et fédéralisme. L'Europe dans le miroir de
l'Amérique du Nord. Par Daniel Béland 917DELWIT, PASCAL, dir. Libéralismes et partis libéraux en Europe. Par Vincent Lemieux
920DRIVER, STEPHEN AND LUKE MARTELL. Blair's Britain. By Alexandra Dobrowolsky
921PALIER, BRUNO. Gouverner la Sécurité sociale. Par Jacinthe Michaud 922HOOK, GLENN D., JULIE GILSON, CHRISTOPHERW. HUGHES AND HUGO DOBSON. Japan's
International Relations: Politics, Economics and Security. By Tsuyoshi Kawasaki
927CHAPPELL, LOUISE A. Gendering Government: Feminist Engagement with the State in
Australia and Canada. By Jill Vickers 929BALDEZ, LISA. Why Women Protest: Women's Movements in Chile. By Susan
Franceschet 930HAYES, MICHAEL T. The Limits of Policy Change: Incrementalism, Worldview, and the
Rule of Law. By Andrea Migone 931GAGNON, BERNARD. La philosophie morale et politique de Charles Taylor. Par Benoît
Dubreuil 933MOSCHONAS, GERASSIMOS, Trans. GREGORY ELLIOT. In the Name of Social Democracy:
The Great Transformation: 1945 to the Present; and PIERSON, CHRISTOPHER. Hard
Choices: Social Democracy in the 21st Century. By David Laycock 935STANKIEWICZ, W. J. The Essential Stankiewicz: On the Importance of Political Theory.
By Herminio Meireles Teixeira 937BLATTBERG, CHARLES. From Pluralist to Patriotic Politics: Putting Practice First. By
Simone Chambers 940JANARA, LAURA, Democracy Growing Up: Authority, Autonomy, and Passion in Tocqueville's
Democracy in America. By Catherine A. Holland 941

Claims about human nature are unavoidable in political theory. A theory about which social arrangements are best for human beings must make some claims about the nature of the human beings - how they behave, what they desire, etc. These anthropological assumptions provide the theoretical foundation for political theory and the building blocks of social models. One way of criticizing a sociopolitical theory is to target these assumptions and argue that it is premised upon a wrong or too simple view of human behavior. Simplified assumptions are often used in scientific models, as they can lead to hypotheses that can be tested empirically. The simplified assumptions can be justified if they lead to correct predictions. This is more complicated in social theory where the building blocks in the model are human beings because the models can affect the behavior of their subjects. This can happen in different ways: Directly, because humans are responsive to the way they are described - how we think of ourselves directly impacts how we behave - and indirectly, because the hypotheses of social models are often used as legitimation of policies and institutional designs that regulate human relations and behavior. The models about human nature thus become part of human nature. This leads to a second way of critiquing sociopolitical theories: Not by stating that they misrepresent a true human nature but that they describe humans as affected by such theories and by the social arrangements the theories are used to justify. I find this line of critique more fruitful as it does not rely on the claim that there exists a true human nature that is static and unaffected by social arrangements and beliefs. This dissertation examines how claims about human nature impact political and economic theories and how these theories impact human behavior and subjectivity. It focuses on individualistic theories premised upon a view of humans as solitary creatures whose preferences can be modeled as if they are independent of others. Such models lead to the theoretical primacy of conflict between independent subjects and the theoretical implausibility of cooperation and trust between them - thus, certain social and political arrangements are seen as necessary. This view exists in the political philosophy of Hobbes and Rawls, and in the social theory of Rational Choice which has been the foundation of neoclassical economics and neoliberal policies. The critical issue is not so much that it is a wrong view of human nature but rather that it affects human subjectivity and behavior - that there is a risk that it becomes a self-fulfilling prophecy. That could be the case if one form of social arrangement and ideology could ever be hegemonic, but in reality we occupy different social roles in different relations, leading to different forms of subjectivity and rationality that clash and interact in unpredictable ways. ; Staðhæfingar um mannlegt eðli eru óhjákvæmilegar í stjórnmálakenningum. Kenning um hvaða samfélagslega skipan sé best fyrir mannverur verður að innihalda einhverjar fullyrðingar um eðli manna - um hvernig þeir hegða sér, hvað þeir þrá og þar fram eftir götunum. Þessar mannfræðilegu ályktanir skapa fræðilegan grunn stjórnmálakenninga og eru uppistaðan í samfélagslegum líkönum. Ein leið til að gagnrýna samfélags-pólitíska kenningu er að veitast að þessum ályktunum og færa rök fyrir að þær séu byggðar á rangri eða einfaldaðri mynd af mannlegri hegðun. Vísindaleg líkön styðjast iðulega við einfaldaðar ályktanir vegna þess að þær geta leitt af sér tilgátur sem unnt er að sannprófa. Einfaldaðar ályktanir geta verið réttmætar ef þær hafa nákvæmt forspárgildi. Þetta er eilítið flóknara þegar samfélagskenningar eru annars vegar og uppistaða samfélagslíkansins eru mannverur vegna þess að líkönin geta haft áhrif á hegðun fólks. Það getur gerst með mismunandi hætti: með beinum hætti vegna þess að mannfólk er móttækilegt fyrir lýsingum á þeim - hvernig við hugsum um okkur hefur bein áhrif á hvernig við hegðum okkur - og óbeint vegna þess að tilgátur samfélagslíkana eru oft nýttar til að réttlæta stefnur og stofnanagerðir sem setja reglur um mannleg samskipti og hegðun. Líkön um manneðli verða þannig hluti af manneðlinu. Það getur af sér aðra leið til þess að gagnrýna samfélags-stjórnmálakenningar: ekki með því að fullyrða að þær gefi ranga mynd af hinu sanna manneðli heldur að þær lýsi hvernig menn mótist af slíkum kenningum og þeirri samfélagsskipan sem kenningarnar nýtast til að ljá lögmæti. Ég tel þessa síðari leið frjórri vegna þess að hún reiðir sig ekki á staðhæfingu um að til sé sönn mannleg náttúra sem sé kyrrstæð og ónæm gagnvart samfélagslegri skipan og viðhorfum. Þessi doktorsritgerð felst í rannsókn á því hvernig staðhæfingar um manneðli hafa áhrif á stórnmála- og hagfræðikenningar og hvernig þessar kenningar móta hegðun og sjálfsveru manna. Beint er sjónum að einstaklingsmiðuðum kenningum sem byggja á mynd af stakstæðum einstaklingum hverra langanir (e. preferences) eru látnar ráðast af því sem væru þeir hverjir óháðir öðrum. Í slíkum líkönum er tvennt sett fræðilega á oddinn, átök milli sjálfstæðra einstaklinga og ósennileiki samvinnu og trausts þeirra á milli - þar af leiðandi er viss samfélagsleg og pólitísk skipan talin vera alger nauðsyn. Þetta viðhorf má sjá í heimspeki Hobbes og Rawls og í samfélagskenningu um skynsamlegt val (Rational Choice Theory) sem hefur verið grunnur nýklassískrar hagfræði og nýfrjálshyggju-stefnu. Vandinn er ekki sá að þetta sé röng sýn á manneðlið heldur miklu frekar að hún hafi áhrif á sjálfsveru og hegðun fólks - að það er hætta á að hún verði að sjálfrætinni spá (e. self-fulfilling prophecy). Það gæti orðið tilfellið ef ein samfélagsskipan og samsvarandi hugmyndafræði yrðu allsráðandi, en veruleikinn er hins vegar sá að við gegnum ólíkum hlutverkum í mismunandi samböndum, sem geta af sér ólíkar gerðir sjálfsveru og skynsemi sem rekast á og verka hver á aðra með ófyrirsjáanlegum hætti. ; This dissertation was completed at the University of Iceland with partial funding from Rannsóknamiðstöð Íslands and the research projects Embodied Critical Thinking, The Reality of Money, and Feminist Philosophy Transforming Philosophy.

Gängige Formen von Diskriminierung sowie die Reproduktion normativer Stereotype sind auch bei künstlicher Intelligenz an der Tagesordnung. Die Beitragenden erläutern Möglichkeiten der Reduktion dieser fehlerhaften Verfahrensweisen und verhandeln die ambivalente Beziehung zwischen Queerness und KI aus einer interdisziplinären Perspektive. Parallel dazu geben sie einem queer-feministischen Wissensverständnis Raum, das sich stets als partikular, vieldeutig und unvollständig versteht. Damit eröffnen sie Möglichkeiten des Umgangs mit KI, die reduktive Kategorisierungen überschreiten können.

Wie konstituiert sich das aktuelle queer-politische Subjekt und welche Rolle spielen Identitätspolitiken dabei? Die Autorin geht dieser Frage nach, indem sie Bewegungsmaterialien queerer Einrichtungen aus dem deutschsprachigen Raum analysiert und Aktivist*innen in Interviews zu Wort kommen lässt. Dabei werden Theorie, Bewegungsgeschichte und Empirie miteinander verknüpft und am Beispiel des zeitgenössischen queeren Aktivismus das Verhältnis von Politik und Identität differenziert dargestellt.

"In den letzten Jahren wurden im Wandel der Geschlechterverhältnisse Ungleichzeitigkeiten zwischen gesellschaftlichen Diskursen und individuellen Handlungspraxen konstatiert: Die traditionelle Arbeitsteilung nach der Familiengründung gilt als Indikator für deren Persistenz. Demgegenüber haben sich gesellschaftliche Deutungsmuster deutlich modernisiert. Bisher fehlen aber weitgehend theoretische Konzepte und empirische Analysen, die die Zusammenhänge zwischen gesellschaftlichen Wandlungstendenzen und dem individuellen Handeln erfassen können. Mit Rückgriff auf Giddens' Strukturierungstheorie analysiert der Vortrag anhand der familialen Arbeitsteilung, wie die Handlungsstrategien von Paaren durch gesellschaftliche Regeln und Ressourcen strukturiert werden. Re-Traditionalisierende und naturalisierende Deutungsmuster von Geschlecht - speziell von Mutterschaft - werden u.a. über Generativität und das Stillen vermittelt. Dies beschreibt die Verfasserin als Traditionalisierungsfalle, die individuellen Ansprüchen geteilter Elternschaft entgegensteht. Wie Paare mit egalitären Arrangements von Arbeit und Leben diesen Widerspruch in ihren Lebensentwürfen und ihrer Alltagspraxis vermitteln, wird am Beispiel von Fallanalysen gezeigt. Im Ergebnis werden unterschiedliche Handlungsstrategien von Paaren im Umgang mit Deutungsmustern von Mutterschaft (und Vaterschaft) beschrieben. Sowohl naturalisierende Vorstellungen als auch egalitäre Ansprüche werden dabei in widersprüchlicher Weise in den Selbstbildern und im Alltagshandeln integriert. Einige Paare reproduzieren dabei diskursiv wie auch handlungspraktisch teilweise geschlechtsspezifische Verantwortlichkeiten, etwa bei der Kinderbetreuung. Andere wiederum weisen eher handlungspraktische Veränderungen der familialen Arbeitsteilung auf, ohne sich diskursiv auf Egalität zu beziehen. Dies beschreibt sie als pragmatische Modernisierung von Geschlechterverhältnissen in Paarbeziehungen." (Autorenreferat)

'Robert Papes viel diskutiertes Buch 'Dying to Win: The Strategic Logic of Suicide Terrorism' (2005) zeigt deutlich die Selbstverständlichkeit eines vermeintlich geschlechtsneutralen Zugangs zur Analyse von männlichen und weiblichen SelbstmordterroristInnen. Papes Hauptargument ist, dass Selbstmordterrorismus eine durchaus rationale Strategie politischer AkteurInnen sei, der sich in Form von Kampagnen ausschließlich gegen Demokratien richte. Die Studie benennt zwar Männer wie Frauen als rationale politische Individuen bzw. AkteurInnen, betont zugleich aber bei Frauen stark den emotionalen Aspekt der Motivation. In diesem Artikel argumentieren die Verfasser, dass geschlechtsneutrale Studien wie die von Robert A. Pape nur vermeintlich geschlechtsneutral sind und gerade diese Annahme dazu führt, dass soziale und politische Dimensionen von Geschlechterordnungen ebenso wie die Vergeschlechtlichung des Sozialen und Politischen ausgeblendet werden. Darüber hinaus sagen die Verfasser, dass das Modell der Rational Choice Theorie, wie sie bei Pape eindrücklich angewendet wird, die Kluft zwischen den Geschlechtern noch vergrößert, indem 'männlichen' Werten der Vorzug gegenüber 'weiblichen' gegeben wird. Als Alternative schlagen die Verfasser eine dreifache Modifikation des Zugangs zu einer Beforschung von Selbstmordterrorismus vor, die sowohl politische als auch emotionale Motivationen inkludiert: Vergeschlechtlichte Repräsentationen von SelbstmordattentäterInnen verstärken Stereotype über Geschlecht sowie über Selbstmordterrorismus; das Ausblenden der Komplexität von Motivationen bringt die Vielfalt der Variablen, die in die Entscheidung der 'MärtyrerInnen' einfließen, nicht zum Verschwinden; und ein theoretischer Zugang, der das Emotionale in den Vordergrund stellt, könnte die Verengung des Rational Choice Ansatzes ausgleichen. Der Aufsatz schließt mit Belegen für unsere These am Beispiel der tschetschenischen 'Schwarzen Witwen', womit die der Verfasser Vorschläge als explanatorisch wertvoll diskutiert werden.' (Autorenreferat)

It has been well established that politicians attack their competitors to reach their political goals. As such, there is a considerable amount of literature on their attack behaviour. However, this literature almost exclusively investigates attack behaviour during campaigns, and so far, few studies have addressed the nature of attacks during more routine times in parliaments. This article aims to fill this gap by examining in-parliament attack behaviour and, more specifically, the gender characteristics of attacks. It is theorised that women are less likely to attack and be attacked than men due to the stereotypical gender roles. However, it is anticipated that this compliance to stereotypes diminishes as proximity to elections increases, resulting in women engaging in attacks as much as men. To limit the cost of their divergence, attacks employed by and toward women are expected to be more civil. Lastly, this study argues that adherence to gender stereotypes is stronger in countries with candidate-centred parliamentary systems than party-centred ones. This study finds support for the theoretical framework using longitudinal data on individual attacks in the parliaments of Belgium, Croatia, and the UK. Results confirm that politicians adhere to gender stereotypical roles in parliaments, with women attacking and being targeted less than men, and when women do attack or are targeted, less incivility is employed. Proximity to elections makes both women and men more hostile, but women lower the cost of their increasing attack behaviour by using less incivility, unlike men who increasingly opt for uncivil attacks closer to elections. Additionally, these findings strongly apply in the candidate-centred system of the UK, whereas in the party-centred system of Belgium and Croatia, hardly any support for the theory can be found.

Women's movements in Islamic countries have had a long and arduous journey in their quest for the realization of human rights and genuine equality. The author examines whether discriminatory laws against women do in fact originate from Islam and, ultimately, if there is any interpretation of Islam compatible with gender equality. She investigates women's rights in Iran since the 1979 Revolution from the perspectives of the main currents of Islamic thought, fundamentalists, reformists, and seculars, using a sociological explanation. The disputes about human reason and its relation to revelation can be traced in various Islamic schools of thought since the eighth century AD. However, the disputes have intensified since the eighteenth century when Muslims faced challenges to their faith and social order, brought about by modernity and enlightenment from the West. There were various reactions within the Islamic world. These reflections produced different interpretations of Islam that can be categorized based on their understanding of how compatible Islamic laws are with a specific time and space; as well as how they define the relationship between human reason and revelation. The three major interpretations of Islam within a spectrum are on the far right fundamentalists, in the middle reformists, and on the far left secularists; each having diverse views on the legitimacy and applicability of all Islamic law in modern times, and consequently having various perspectives on justice and gender equality. Accordingly, the author aims to investigate the different interpretations on Islam to find out which interpretations are compatible with the global norms of justice, and hence in accord to women's rights and gender equality. In order to analyze the Islamic thought flows through a sociological perspective, a theoretical model is proposed based on theories of sociology of religion (Peter Berger and Thomas Luckmann), Structuration theory (Anthony Giddens) and struggles related to universal norms of justice (Nancy Fraser, Axel Honneth, Seyla Benhabib). According to this theoretical model, there is a dialectical relationship between individual and structure. Religion, as a factor of structure, defines a framework of interaction for individual agents in personal and social life. Religion also offers a value and meaning system for human beings. On the other hand, human beings examine the patterns of interaction through 'reflexive monitoring,' and employing human reason and rational explanation. Therefore, human beings do not passively accept all patterns of interaction. In this model of dialectical relationship between individual and structure, justice means providing equal access to political, economic, and cultural resources in society and in the family. On this matter, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women provide practical and universal criteria for the protection of human and women's rights, and ensure gender equality in society. Following the theoretical model, the research aims to reconstruct the main interpretations of Islam in three core issues of Islamic law, human reason, and women's rights considering universal norms of justice.

[spa] Este trabajo se centra en la descripción de un proceso que, sin duda a lugar, puede considerarse de influencia minoritaria: el de los grupos de mujeres que trabajan por un cambio político y social en defensa del colectivo femenino. Hemos seleccionado cinco grupos de acuerdo con su relevancia para el feminismo o para la política de mujeres en general: dos de ellos definidos como parte del movimiento feminista independiente y otros tres insertos en partidos políticos decisivos para la vida política de nuestro país. Se trataba de realizar un estudio empírico y retrospectivo a partir de la observación, durante una época larga -de 1975 a 1996¬, de la evolución ocurrida en cada uno de los grupos respecto a la defensa de temas asociados tradicionalmente al feminismo militante, las relaciones entre ellos y las posibles influencias mutuas. Y lo hemos hecho a través de la observación del discurso. Para ello hemos utilizado un programa informático de análisis de contenido utilizado por primera vez y desarrollado por el Dr. José Manuel Cornejo que nos ha permitido un análisis exhaustivo de todos los textos desde el primer año analizado hasta el último (veintiún años en total). Nuestro planteamiento de entrada consistió en considerar a los grupos feministas independientes como agentes de cambio social. Según nuestra hipótesis, estos grupos a pesar de su aparente rechazo social debido a la radicalidad de sus posiciones, tendrían una influencia significativa sobre los grupos de mujeres dependientes de partidos políticos, y éstos últimos actuarían probablemente de difusores a la sociedad sobre las ideas asumidas. Los resultados de nuestro estudio muestran una razonable evidencia de que, efectivamente, ése es el proceso seguido a lo largo de estos años por los grupos analizados, a pesar de las diferencias en la evolución específica de cada uno de ellos. Cabe suponer, por tanto, que los cambios producidos en los grupos dependientes se deben a la influencia de los grupos feministas independientes ya que son la única fuente posible de influencia en estas cuestiones. Y todo parece indicar que la influencia se ha producido a pesar e incluso en contra de la voluntad consciente de los grupos influenciados. Nos referimos a que los grupos dependientes de partidos políticos (siempre sujetos a las expectativas electorales) suelen mantener una distancia prudente respecto a los independientes, cuando no una actitud clara de rechazo, por considerarlos excesivamente radicales y discrepar en sus estrategias de actuación. Además de hacerse eco del rechazo social, las mujeres de grupos dependientes raramente se consideran feministas como grupo, precisamente para huir de las connotaciones negativas que ese término conlleva socialmente. Nos hallamos por tanto ante la circunstancia de que, en un momento en que se habla del fin del movimiento feminista independiente que hemos conocido hasta ahora, los grupos dependientes de partidos políticos han recogido el testigo que llevaban sus compañeras y defienden las clásicas ideas feministas. Pensamos que el mecanismo que explica este proceso en gran medida es el de la conversación o influencia inconsciente, por lo menos hasta el momento en que la influencia se hace pública y manifiesta. Si consideramos que los grupos feministas independientes analizados se han comportado como grupos minoritarios que se han esforzado en tener visibilidad y reconocimiento social , factores imprescindibles para lograr influencia, y si aceptamos también que el estilo cognitivo y de comportamiento ha sido consistente aunque radical, podemos aceptar que reunían las características necesarias para ejercer influencia de tipo interindividual (respecto a otros grupos de mujeres) y en relación a la posición de la mayoría social. Hay que sumar a esto otra condición que considera importante, y es que su actuación se ha movido de acuerdo "con el espíritu de la época", o lo que es lo mismo, inserta en las líneas de evolución social ya que, de lo contrario, su influencia hubiera sido mucho mejor e incluso nula. A lo largo de este trabajo se puede observar cómo los grupos minoritarios fracasan en la influencia manifiesta y sin embargo provocan cambios de reestructuración cognitiva en el blanco de influencia que llevan a sumir sus posiciones aunque de forma latente e inconsciente. En este caso, por parte de los grupos de mujeres dependientes de partidos políticos, adherirse públicamente a las posiciones de los grupos feministas radicales, sobre todo en las dos primeras épocas analizadas, podría implicar atribuirse rasgos negativos de desviación social, aquellos con los que está estereotípicamente connotada la minoría feminista. Sin embargo, los grupos de mujeres dependientes de partidos políticos, aunque diferentes de los minoritarios, están más cercanos a sus posiciones que la mayoría social de las mujeres ya que comparten sus intereses fundamentales: la defensa de las mujeres. Este será otro factor que propicie la influencia, ya que se ha demostrado mayor influencia en los grupos cercanos en posicionamiento a la minoría que en los que parten de posiciones iniciales distantes. ¿Qué es en este caso lo que permite la exteriorización de la conversión? Pensamos que no se da en el feminismo español el proceso de otros países, como por ejemplo Italia, en los que la existencia de una meta supraordenada unifica a los diversos grupos feministas y les da visibilidad y aceptación social. No es ésa al menos la evolución detectada en este estudio. Más bien como si se produjera uno de los efectos de la conversión: el llamado efecto retardado ( sleeper effect ) del cambio de actitudes. Se trata el proceso mediante el cual, con el paso del tiempo, se produce una "criptomnesia" social por la que las personas o los grupos sometidos a una influencia, olvidarían el origen y la identidad de la influencia pero asumirían en cambio su contenido. En nuestro estudio, a juzgar por los discursos de la última época, los grupos dependientes de partidos políticos han asumido en gran parte las ideas feministas radicales, modificando el tono de sus discursos e incrementando la experiencia subjetiva, pero no por ello asumen públicamente el feminismo, es decir, siguen sin reconocer la influencia de la minoría radical. Pensamos que éste es un ejemplo de que, efectivamente, se habían subestimado las posibilidades de influencia de las minorías exogrupo y va en la línea de los estudios que muestran que las minorías exogrupo tienden a influir tanto, o incluso más, que las minorías intragrupo (considerando en este caso a los grupos independientes como minorías exogrupo respecto a los dependientes debido a su carácter antinormativo) probablemente debido al mayor proceso de validación de sus argumentos que implícitamente exigen. ; [eng] This work describes an intergroup process of influence base don the minority influence theory, and presents some corrections to usual predictions of this theory. It describes the influence of radical groups of women belonging to the feminist movement on other groups of women included in majoritary political parties in Catalonia (Spain). We observed the evolution of five of these groups through the analysis of their written documents during twenty-one years (since Franco's death and first democratic movements in 1975 to recent 1996). Then we tried to establish the flow of influences using their texts. According to the minority influence theory and social influence studies, in-group influence should have more relevant effects in group production than out-group influence. On the contrary, our hypothesis stated that independent feminist groups should be considered the agents of social change. These groups have significant influence on the women majoritary groups in spite of their initial apparent social rejection. These groups act as active minorities showing a cognitive and consistent style and achieving social visibility and recognition. The method used was content analysis of written documents. We used a PC DOS BASIC program developed by J.M. Cornejo, professor of the University of Barcelona. The program allows select words, cluster them and categoryze then in relevant items according the feminist political lines of action. The results were analyzed through multivariate correspondence analysis and cluster analysis programs. The results confirm the hypothesis showing clear influences from out-groups to in-groups. This is a latent unconscious influence according to the "conversion theory" described by Moscovici, Mugny and Pérez (1987). The conclusions show that previous studies had underestimated the possibilities of influence of out-group minorities. Out-group minorities have at least the same or more influence that in-group minorities, probably due to the strongest validation process of the arguments that they implicity demand.

"Transformation of the welfare sectors challenge professional identities of care and welfare workers in Scandinavia. At the same time welfare and care workers take part in these changes and are changed in the psycho-social setting of the workplace. This article presents research about care work in Denmark with a focus on subjective processing of work identity, applying a psycho-societal theoretical and methodical approach. A life historical and experiential understanding of Alfred Lorenzer's cultural theory is applied to understand societal transformations, here in the work place and of professionals in relation to their present scene of work and in relation to their life history. Two concepts are applied, interaction form and scenic understanding, because of their potentials for analyzing workers' experience. The analysis is based on a combined ethnographic and life historical investigation in nursing and involves a young nurse in scenes of the hospital, where gendered life history is re-enacted and present in a gendered work life with fragile possibilities of identification. Social dynamics interact with subjective dynamics in ways that illuminate not only habitual and creative orientations and practices of professionals in care, but also the contradictory transformations of the work, e.g. marketization and democratization in the work place." (author's abstract)

This guide accompanies the following article: Christine V. Wood, 'The Sociologies of Knowledge, Science, and Intellectuals: Distinctive Traditions and Overlapping Perspectives', Sociology Compass 4/10 (2010): 909–923, 10.1111/j.1751‐9020.2010.00328.x.It offers a list of texts that one could use in developing a course in the sociology of scientific knowledge, in the sociology of knowledge in general, or in a more specialized course on the field of scholarly production, experts and intellectuals, and the social organization of the academic profession and research sciences.Author's introductionFew review and teaching materials exist that collect the diverse research exploring the social and institutional context in which scholarly and scientific ideas are generated, legitimated, and diffused. By zeroing in on the social 'field' or 'arena' of scholarly production, which may include the sciences, humanities, and social sciences, sociologists are better able to delineate the distinct analytic traditions that have emerged in studying various orderings of certified knowledge – whether philosophical, humanistic, social scientific, or scientific – and their producers. Despite obvious overlaps, the sociologies of knowledge, science, and intellectuals owe their origins as sociological sub‐fields to distinctive theoretical and even methodological traditions. Considering intellectuals and experts as social groups working in specific social contexts, institutions, and making different kinds of claims to knowledge is different from studying the gestation of ideas and their content, whether these ideas are values, beliefs, assumptions, or scientific and academic theories. Within the sociology of knowledge, studies of the production of academic knowledge is a separate body of literature from studies of social cognition, collective memory, or the internalization of norms and values, and so some distinctions are necessary. In some sense, the sociology of knowledge as a grand project that could subsume the study of scientific knowledge and the study of intellectuals as a social class or group and of the academic professions. But many scholars draw boundaries between the sociologies of knowledge and science, owing to the empirical distinctions between an area of inquiry that subsumes the study of broad orderings of knowledge and a field that focuses on the distinct status and situation of natural and hard science in modern life – its content, institutional contexts, organization, normative structures, political conflicts, and applications. Depending on their research interests, scholars have drawn boundaries within the sub‐fields of science studies, for instance by delineating between the 'political' sociology of science and the 'historical' sociology of science, or by focusing on the interactions between political and social movements and science and academia. Depending on the interests of the professor and the degree of specialization of a course, this guide offers a list of texts that one could use in developing a course in the sociology of scientific knowledge, in the sociology of knowledge in general, or in a more specialized course on the field of scholarly production, experts and intellectuals, and the social organization of the academic profession and research sciences.Author recommendsFollowing a chronology of sociological work on knowledge, science, and intellectuals, from the classical, 19th‐Century theory of Karl Marx and Max Weber through the early and mid‐20th‐Century is to trace a neat trajectory of sociological theory in its various incarnations – foundational, functionalist, structural, institutional, political, historical, and cultural. Many classical essays in the sociology of knowledge and science are dispersed among larger texts devoted to the essays of key sociological thinkers. Within the sociology of knowledge or science, numerous volumes exist that detail foundational and specialized approaches in the field.For a primer in the modern sociologist's treatment of science as a social institution, an excellent collection is Robert Merton's The Sociology of Science: Theoretical and Empirical Investigations, a compendium of essays from the thinker on science in modern societies, with attention paid to scientific institutions as they developed from the 17th‐Century through the 20th‐Centuries. What is most remarkable about Merton's collection of essays is that it sets the framework for many core themes that would later be elaborated by sociologists on questions of science, including the relationship of science to other institutions and conflicts among scientists over the prioritization of some programs of research and discovery over others. In a thesis that explored the 'interdependence' of science and other institutional spheres in seventeenth century England, where modern science was just beginning, Merton explored the 'interdependence' of science and other institutional spheres, occupational, religious, economic, and militaristic. Aside from this essentially 'macro' view of science, Merton also wrote on the 'Normative Structures of Science', where he discussed a conflict between the governing ethos of science and the attitudes of others across institutional and social spheres. He wrote that a tenet in science is that all scientists should in their research ignore all considerations other than the advance of knowledge, the justification being that consideration of the practical or social uses of the knowledge increases the possibility for bias and error. Merton claimed that this attitude had furnished a basis of revolt against science – once the applications of the science are discovered, those authorities or groups who disapprove of that application will turn their antipathy toward the science itself. Finally, in an essay on 'Priorities in Scientific Discovery', Merton laid the groundwork for the 'functionalist' perspective of science. He argued that science operates with governing norms of priority and originality, which places pressure on scientists to assert their claims as original. When science as an institution is working efficiently, those who have best fulfilled their roles as scientists will have made genuinely original contributions to the common stock of knowledge, and are afforded rightful esteem and recognition. The focus on the judgment of originality and credibility in science has sparked a wave of new scholarship, which I outline in the course syllabus and essay.Given the status of 'science and technology studies' as an ever expanding interdisciplinary field, several recent volumes collect contemporary essays in the social studies of science. A notable volume that contains diverse theoretical and methodological writings in the social studies of science is the Handbook of Science and Technology Studies, edited by Edward J. Hackett, Olga Amsterdamska, Michael Lynch, and Judy Wajcman (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2007). Emphases on the political dimensions of scientific knowledge production are currently receiving a great deal of attention, with diverse research exploring the politics of nuclear proliferation, environmental justice movements, and the politics of gender and sexual difference in scientific and medical research. The New Political Sociology of Science: Institutions, Networks, and Power, edited by Scott Frickel and Kelly Moore, provides a good introduction (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 2006). Other edited volumes are useful as introductory texts to core essays and readings in the sociology of knowledge. A nice volume that contains overlapping research in the sociologies of knowledge and science is Society & Knowledge: Contemporary Perspectives in the Sociology of Knowledge & Science, edited by Volker Meja and Nico Stehr (Transaction Publishers, 2005).Sample syllabusSince the sociologies of knowledge and science are such broad areas of research, the sample syllabus takes into account analysis of knowledge production in the sciences, social sciences, and humanities as well as the study of intellectuals as a group. For those that find the focus broad, recommended readings allow those with more interest in science and technology studies or in the study of expert communities to zero‐in on specific bodies of literature. This course could be framed broadly as a course on the social contexts of knowledge production – science, knowledge, and modern research and academic vocations. A basic goal of the class is to encourage students to think more reflexively about science and about their own work as social scientists, while also to promote ongoing research on the ever changing social contexts of the academic professions and knowledge production in the sciences, social sciences, and humanities.This 10 week outline introduces theoretical texts and some exemplary case studies.Week 1: Introduction:This session is an introduction to the sociological study of knowledge production, science, and intellectuals as a group. The class should discuss short pieces as foundational texts, which may include Gramsci's essay writing on intellectuals in Selections from the Prison Notebooks (New York: International Publishers, 1971); excerpts from Karl Mannheim's Ideology and Utopia: An Introduction to the Sociology of Knowledge (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1985), particularly those portions that deal with the social function of the intellectual and the 'classless intellectual'; Max Weber's essay 'Science as a Vocation' (Pp. 129–156 in From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology, edited by H. Gerth and C. W. Mills, New York: Oxford University Press, 1958); and some more contemporary piece, perhaps Merton's essay 'Paradigm for the Sociology of Knowledge', a clarifying, comprehensive essay on the myriad topics that could be subsumed under the sociology of knowledge (in The Sociology of Science: Theoretical and Empirical Investigations, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1973). Given the breadth of Merton's essay, which does not deal exclusively with scholarly and scientific knowledge, class discussion should devote attention to the distinctions among approaches that deal with intellectuals as a group, the social contexts of science, and the content of ideas.Week 2: Classical foundations:The second week should involve a more detailed emphasis on theoretical foundations in the sociology of knowledge and science. Though Weber's essay on 'Science as a Vocation' has been introduced in the first week, the discussion should center more intensely on how the classical scholars handled questions about knowledge and intellectuals. Using Merton's essay to frame the classical theorists' take on science and knowledge, a comparison of the perspectives of Marx and Weber on knowledge and intellectuals should make for a lively discussion. Excerpts from Marx's The German Ideology provide a good introduction to Marx's views on the way the content of ideas are linked to material life. In Marx's critique of the writings in political economy of his day, he argues that the content, form, and method of the writing on utilitarianism from the prominent bourgeois thinkers of the day were linked to concrete social and economic developments in Europe. To contrast Marx's take that the content of political and economic writing reflected social and economic developments, Weber provides a more nuanced analysis of how the class interests of intellectuals influences the content of their ideas in his writing on how certain types of intellectuals influenced the ideological and ethical doctrines of major world religions, by advocating ideas that conformed to but were not directly influenced by their occupational class interests. Important to this discussion is to compare and contrast Marx and Weber and the extent to which each sees social class as shaping ideas.Weeks 3–4: Social structure, function, and institutions:The next several sessions deal with the various approaches to science and technology, knowledge, and intellectuals to emerge in the middle of the 20th‐Century. The first set of discussions should be on social structure and function – essentially, in discussion how sociologists' have understood the influence of social structure on knowledge production and how scholars have theorized on the function or 'role' of scientists and intellectuals in the promotion of the social order. Again, Robert Merton provides a touchstone example of a 'functionalist' perspective on science, and a good example is his essay on 'Priorities of Scientific Discovery' (The Sociology of Science: Theoretical and Empirical Investigations, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1973). An exemplary text and enjoyable read is Florian Znaniecki's Social Role of the Man of Knowledge (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Books, [1940] 1986). C. Wright Mills's Sociology and Pragmatism: The Higher Learning in America is an exemplary and oft‐overlooked text on the growth of pragmatism and modern American sociology, a model of research design and a prescient analysis of how occupational and economic conditions, the changing demographic of the American university, and the content and function of elective curricula influenced the development of new areas of research in philosophy and the growth of modern sociology (New York: Oxford University Press, 1969). This text could also be used to discuss the importance of institutional conditions in shaping academic disciplines and knowledge production. Key texts on the importance of institutions as portals and venues of intellectual activity and the social importance of scientists and intellectuals as institutional and bureaucratic actors include Lewis Coser's Men of Ideas: A Sociologist's View (New York: Free Press, 1965) and Edward Shils's (1972) collection of essays, The Intellectuals and the Powers, and Other Essays (Chicago: University of Chicago Press).Weeks 5–6: Politics and reflexivity:Alvin W. Gouldner's The Coming Crisis of Western Sociology is a good introduction to a reflexive approach to knowledge production in the social sciences (New York: Avon, 1970). Gouldner analyzed the 'presuppositions' of two generations of social theorists, comparing the early 20th‐Century sociological preoccupations with social order with the more conflict‐laden approaches of the New Left generation. The book makes a rather convincing case about how scholars' relations to resources and politics form the subtext of social theory. Other examples of the 'politics' of knowledge production and the social situation of the observer or abound, particularly in feminist theory, beginning with Dorothy Smith's now‐dated essay 'Women's Perspective as a Radical Critique of Sociology' (Pp. 21–34 in The Feminist Standpoint Theory Reader: Intellectual and Political Controversies, edited by S. Harding, New York: Routledge, 2004). A good way to trace the intellectual trajectory of feminist critiques of science and knowledge is by assigning selections from The Feminist Standpoint Theory Reader. These texts will provide something of an antidote or contrast to the social structural or 'functional' perspectives. Also fitting for these discussion are a couple of texts that revived the analyses of the influence of intellectuals' social class position on the content of ideas. Erik Olin Wright (1978) focused on intellectuals in late capitalism and György Konrad and Ivan Szelenyi (1979) analyzed the social position of intellectuals under Eastern European state socialism, in both cases melding political sociology with the sociology of knowledge. Discussions of the texts featured in these 2 weeks should provoke students to discuss whether the main imperative of the sociology of knowledge – the analysis of the social and material, or at least contextual, backdrop to knowledge claims – is in itself reflexive.Weeks 7–8: Fields, new institutional analysis, social movements, and networks:Among the most popular recent approaches in the sociology of knowledge are field analysis, network analysis, and new institutional approaches. Each of these could be said to be in some sense 'macro' as the focus is on how broader contexts and relationships influence the content and flow of ideas. Bourdieu's Homo Academicus is a study of the relationships of status among French university professors and includes rigorous analyses of scholars' career and family backgrounds as well as the relationships of academic disciplines to authorities in the university and the state (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1988). Examples of how institutional conditions shape the development, structure, and composition of academic disciplines and departments have emerged in recent years, the most notable examples being Charles Camic's essay (published in 1995 in Social Research) on how local institutional conditions and interdisciplinary interaction influenced the development of distinct analytic traditions in three early sociology departments and Mario Small's essay (published in 1999 in Theory and Society) on how local institutional factors influenced differences in the content and structure of new African‐American studies programs. Excellent examples of the influence that social movements and collective action have on the formation of new academic disciplines include Fabio Rojas's From Black Power to Black Studies: How a Radical Social Movement Became an Academic Discipline (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2007) and Scott Frickel's Chemical Consequences: Environmental Mutagens, Scientist Activism, and the Rise of Genetic Toxicology (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2004). Finally, Randall Collins's mammoth The Sociology of Philosophies: A Global Theory of Intellectual Change outlines a vast network analysis of philosophical production across historical periods (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2000). The book is big, and an idea is to have students read the theoretical sections that explain the logic of a network analysis of philosophical production, and then to have students select individual chapters to read and present to the class.Week 9: Culture and micro‐sociological analysis:With the rise in importance of the sociology of culture in recent years, interested scholars have applied some of the research techniques developed in culture studies to analyze knowledge production. An exemplary study in this area is Karin Knorr‐Cetina's Epistemic Culture: How the Sciences Make Knowledge, which is a micro‐sociological account of how scientists in high‐energy particle physics and molecular biology labs conduct their research (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1999). If students are interested in the contexts of scientific knowledge production and laboratory life, students might compare Knorr‐Cetina's analysis with earlier studies of the interactions of actors and artifacts in science labs, beginning with the work of Bruno Latour, perhaps starting with Science in Action: How to Follow Scientists and Engineers through Society (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1987).Week 10: Using approaches in the sociology of science to analyze other kinds of knowledge production:At the 'cutting edge' of research in the sociology of knowledge are attempts by scholars to adapt, or utilize, the theories and methods developed in science studies to analyze knowledge production in the social sciences and humanities. A good essay that draws on the work of Knorr‐Cetina is Gregoire Mallard's 'Interpreters of the Literary Canon and their Technical Instruments: The Case of Balzac Criticism', published in the American Sociological Review in 2005. A more recent example examines how social science and humanities professors evaluate knowledge, borrowing from research in the social studies of science on consensus, evaluation, and credibility: Michele Lamont's How Professors Think: Inside the Curious World of Academic Judgment (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2009). Students should assess how convincingly a research area that originated in social studies of science, like studies of how knowledge is prioritized and judged as 'original' or the use of technical instruments in the humanities, applies to knowledge contexts outside of the hard sciences.Focus questions

 In what ways can the methods and theories of the sociology of science be adapted to analyze knowledge production in other areas, including the humanities and the social sciences? What sorts of processes and knowledge claims are specific to science?
 What makes an analysis reflexive? Is analyzing the material or institutional conditions that shape ideas or scientific production inherently critical or reflexive?
 Among the more recently popularized theoretical and methodological approaches to intellectual life, like Bourdieu's 'field' analysis of the French university and Collins's network analysis of philosophy, which is likely to be most transposable across diverse scientific and academic settings?

In this study, the issue of using Instagram social network by different groups of Iranian women and their interests and desires in publication of photos is investigated. The purpose of the study is to identify the common aspects and differences in women's lives reflected in their self-expression efforts based on their social characteristics. Therefore, the women were classified into eight groups based on the elements affecting the way they show their daily lives, such as education level, occupation and marital status. Then, qualitative method, including virtual ethnographic techniques, content analysis and online interviews, was used. Photos posted on Instagram by 32 users were studied and analyzed, and these users were interviewed. Questions were asked about their tendency towards posting photos of their daily lives on Instagram via direct messages. The conceptual framework of the study included Bourdieu's theory of 'distinction' and Baudrillard's concept of 'system of objects'. Results showed that women in each group select specific approaches to the publication of photos based on their social conditions. In the present article, these differences are discussed in detail. The significance of this research lies in the possibility of understanding different aspects of women's everyday life and their individual identity through self-reports in the new media as opposed to the traditional media which only presents a standardized type of identification. Since studying women's efforts in presenting themselves on social media has been neglected in studies conducted on social networks in Iran, this study leads to a better understanding of Iranian women's diverse identities.

Introduction. Institutional change through gender equality plans is today the dominant approach to promoting gender equality in higher education and research. Building on our experiences as "technical support partners" in several EU-funded projects, we reflect on how change is negotiated in a variety of contexts. Objectives. Theoretically, using Feminist Institutionalism and the Science and Technology Studies concept of the trading zone, our objective is to analyse institutional negotiations among various, differently positioned actors with diverse backgrounds, value systems and negotiating power. From a practice-oriented perspective, our aim is to demonstrate typical challenges, suggest pathways towards solutions, and identify specific negotiation skills which underscore the capacity-building needs of change agents. Methodology. For our analysis, we have selected eight information-rich case studies through purposive theory-based sampling, illustrating the different transactions in the trading zones, based on our prior knowledge of the circumstances. The methods we draw on are primarily participant observation and textual analysis of project documents. Results. The selected theoretical combination allows us to identify leverages, ways to overcome barriers and the required skills and competences. Specifically, we underscore the use of participatory and co-creation techniques, strategic framing, spotting and using windows of opportunity, and wide mobilisation of stakeholders. We highlight key features of the change process, including its processual and incremental nature, the need for constant negotiation and the capacity-building needs of change agents. Contribution. With this analysis, we contribute, firstly, to the understanding of organisational change by identifying concrete barriers and opportunities as well as considering the ways in which a shared representation of gender equality is developed. The second, theoretical contribution lies in combining Feminist Institutionalism and the concept of the trading zone, which allows us to bring to productive dialogue issues of power, processuality and the need to address both material and discursive enactments of change processes. ; Introducción. El cambio institucional a través de planes de igualdad de género es hoy en día el enfoque predominante para promover la igualdad de género en la educación superior y la investigación. Basándonos en nuestras experiencias como "socios de apoyo técnico" en varios proyectos financiados por la UE, reflexionamos sobre cómo se negocia el cambio en una variedad de contextos. Objetivos. Desde una perspectiva orientada a la práctica, nuestro objetivo es demostrar los desafíos típicos, sugerir caminos hacia soluciones e identificar habilidades de negociación específicas que subrayan las necesidades de desarrollo de capacidades de los agentes de cambio. Metodología. Hemos seleccionado ocho estudios de caso ricos en información a través de un muestreo intencional basado en la teoría, que ilustran las diferentes transacciones en las zonas de transacción, en base a nuestro conocimiento previo de las circunstancias. Los métodos que utilizamos son principalmente la observación participante y el análisis textual de los documentos del proyecto. Resultados. La combinación teórica seleccionada nos permite identificar capacidad de influencia, formas de superar barreras y las habilidades y competencias requeridas. Específicamente, destacamos el uso de técnicas participativas y de co-creación, el encuadre estratégico, la detección y uso de ventanas de oportunidad y una amplia movilización de las partes interesadas. Destacamos las características clave del proceso de cambio, incluida su naturaleza procesual e incremental, la necesidad de una negociación constante y las necesidades de creación de capacidad de los agentes de cambio. Contribución. Contribuimos, en primer lugar, a la comprensión del cambio organizacional identificando barreras y oportunidades concretas, así como considerando las formas en que se desarrolla una representación compartida de la igualdad de género. El segundo aporte, teórico, radica en combinar el institucionalismo Feminista y el concepto de zona de transacción, lo que nos permite llevar al diálogo productivo temas de poder, procesualidad y la necesidad de abordar tanto las representaciones materiales como discursivas de los procesos de cambio.