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Abstract: In 2020, to celebrate the centenary of women's suffrage in the United States, President Donald J. Trump issued a posthumous pardon for Susan B. Anthony who illegally cast her vote in an 1872 election. In 2018, the British Government announced that it would include contentious Irish republican feminist icon Constance Markievicz in their centenary suffrage commemorations, prompting the government of the Republic of Ireland to gift her portrait to the British parliament. While different in nature, these two events also shared some similarities, not least of these being the use of feminist memory by non-feminist actors. Certain feminist and non-feminist celebrations of feminism's legacies risk signifying that the feminist project is completed, thereby foreclosing alternative storytelling and inhibiting future feminist imaginaries. However, believing in the affirmative capacity of reflective and reflexive feminist remembering can help us to confront our own political and affective subjectivities to generate a more intersectional use of feminist memory that harnesses the power of past feminist radicalisms to imagine feminist futures that do not yet exist. Abstract: En 2020, pour célébrer le centenaire du droit de vote des femmes aux États-Unis, le président Donald J. Trump a accordé un pardon à titre posthume à Susan B. Anthony qui avait voté illégalement lors d'une élection en 1872. En 2018, le gouvernement britannique a annoncé qu'il inclurait l'icône contestée du féminisme républicain irlandais, Constance Markievicz, dans ses commémorations du centenaire du suffrage, incitant ainsi le gouvernement de la République d'Irlande à offrir un portrait de cette dernière au parlement britannique. Bien que de nature différente, ces deux événements partagent certaines similitudes, la plus importante étant notamment l'utilisation de la mémoire féministe par des acteurs non féministes. Certaines célébrations féministes et non féministes des héritages du féminisme risquent de laisser entendre que le projet féministe est achevé, excluant ainsi des récits alternatifs et inhibant les futurs imaginaires féministes. Cependant, croire en la capacité affirmative de la mémoire féministe réfléchie et réflexive peut nous aider à confronter nos propres subjectivités politiques et affectives à générer une utilisation plus intersectionnelle de la mémoire féministe qui exploite la puissance des radicalismes féministes passés pour imaginer des avenirs féministes qui n'existent pas encore.

Feminist counselling is often characterized as a belief system. Described broadly in this way it has been difficult to clearly articulate its boundaries. The aims of this study were to provide clarification by exploring understandings of feminism among feminist practitioners and implications of these definitions for the rhetoric and practice of feminist counselling. Descriptions of feminism and feminist counselling were collected, via self-administered questionnaire, from 140 Australian feminists who were counsellors. Definitional categories were compared with previous North American research. Although comparisons across time and continent revealed few differences, inconsistencies emerged within the sample. These discrepancies underscored the need for a stronger theoretical base within feminist counselling in Australia.

In reflecting upon the divergence of Feminist Political Economy (FPE) and Feminist Security Studies (FSS) one feels puzzled and perhaps even a little embarrassed. How could such a schism occur and be sustained for seemingly so long? This divergence certainly did not appear to characterize the founding of feminist International Relations (IR) when scholars such as Cynthia Enloe (1983, 1989) and Ann Tickner (1992) were attentive to both dimensions and carefully connected issues of gender to the global economy and to understandings of security and militarism. Moreover, to my mind, there is no immediate epistemological or ontological schism between FSS and FPE of the sort that has characterized other feminist divides. The security studies/International Political Economy (IPE) split seems to be more one of empirical focus that does not require a painstaking and perhaps ultimately futile attempt to suture the feminist IR body back together. Indeed, recent and highly illuminating work on the connections between gender violence and global and local political economies (Meger 2014; True 2012a) would suggest no reason why we should not simply press ahead with the task of reconnection and driving feminist IR forward to new and insightful places.

On 4 January 1971, Ti-Grace Atkinson delivered a talk entitled 'Strategy and Tactics: A Presentation of Political Lesbianism'. The talk was later published in her collected essays, Amazon Odyssey. The essay contains thirty-five diagrams: ten 'Strategy Charts', three 'Tactical Charts' and twenty-two 'Tactical-Strategy Charts', which map a strategy of the 'Oppressor' (men) and the tactics that the 'Oppressed' (women) might develop to lead to a revolution – lesbians, significantly, are the 'Buffer Zone' between these two classes. In the only reference I have managed to find to these diagrams, they are referred to as 'crazy'. This article re-visits these diagrams, exploring the role of the diagram in how Atkinson attempts to map patriarchal relations and also imagine a feminist revolution. Taking Atkinson's diagrams as a starting point, the article then uses them to begin to narrate a genealogy of the diagram in feminist theory, exploring a diagrammatic imaginary that is an often-used but rarely discussed tactic in feminist writing. Finally, the article opens out to consider how this history of feminist diagrams might be a precursor to more contemporary feminist data visualisations.

This article explores four thematic areas in feminist media criticism. First, it considers how gender informs norms & values that pattern industry production practices & conventions. Next, it explores how feminist criticism has influenced one of the emergent areas in media scholarship: reception studies. This particular subgenre of media studies examines how audiences actively engage the mediascape around them. Third, the focus shifts to the rising influence of black feminist criticism, which has identified many of the tensions within feminism & also has pointed toward new modes of media criticism & practice. Fourth, the article examines how feminism has informed the study of masculinity. The final section of the article identifies & briefly discusses two areas that will forge new directions in feminist media studies: the burgeoning sex industry & globalization. 52 References. Adapted from the source document.

This essay traces an aesthetic genealogy of feminist breathing since the 1970s. Deviating from declension narratives that locate in that decade the end of breathing as a means of feminist socialization and politicization, this essay argues that indigenous and black feminisms have continuously relied on respiratory rituals as tactics or strategies for living through the foreclosure of political presents and futures. Case studies on Linda Hogan's ceremonial poetry and Toni Cade Bambara's fiction on healing expose the tensions that have animated a feminist breathing premised on the management of vulnerabilities: first, the enmeshment of vitality and risk and, second, the destabilization of the wholeness or wellness afforded by rituals. As felt theory or embodied critique, feminist breathing ultimately reveals an impulse to repair the conditions from which it emerges.