Suchergebnisse

Cinematography was deliberately organized, financed and oriented towards the purposes of the system and consequently became the most effective element of political and cultural pedagogy. The synchronic correlation between word and image, the power of visual suggestibility, empathy as an emotional response to the actors' performance - all these had immediate effects on the collective imaginary, on the perception of reality as a social and identity-forging project determined by the emergence of the ideological discourse. The Romanian socialist cinematography from the time of Ceauşescu synthesized and systemized a coherent and explicit system of values wherein it integrated the message of literary and other artistic works, of variegated forms of cultural expression, so that Romanian cultural axiology could find new possibilities to stand out in strict dependence to the institutional and optional structures of mass culture. The cinema per se thus became a sort of pedagogy for universal use, rendering the past heroic, as it exacerbated the national ego via the instruments of entertainment. Highly permeated ideologically and quasi entirely subordinated to the Communist cultural policies, the cinema production, carried out because of the appeal to emotions and collective memory, thus became part of the official discourse and orientated its issues, especially after the 11th Congress of RCP, according with the political and ideological interests of the national Communist project. The analysis focuses on the Romanian historical films with subjects and episodes relevant for the ancient and mediaeval history, in relation with the efforts of identity reconstruction, coordinated during the Communist regime in relationship with the project of the socialist nation's building and, after 1989, in relationship with the attempt of reconsolidating, sometimes from a radical perspective, the nationalist mythologies. Socialist patriotism thus incorporated many stereotypes drawn out from the ante-bellum, as well as from the inter-bellum Romanian spirit: the lyric of self-identification expressed by the film soundtrack and by the majestic character of the heroic gestures, the heroic epic obvious in the popular ballad pattern of pre-modern nature, the activist pedagogy specific to all forms of identitarianism. Despite all this ideological infusion, the mythology of Romanian historical films during the Communist nationalist times remains one of a sadistic-masochistic nature, cultivating the fear towards the Other, fatalism, expectation and obedience, all chronic and historicized.

Modalities of censorship, disciplining practices and film. A comparative analysis of the historical reception of Sergei Eistenstein's battleship potemkin (1925) in Belgium and the Netherlands This article deals with the historical reception and censorship of one of the most controversial movies in film history, Sergei M. Eisenstein's Soviet-Russian propaganda film battleship potemkin (1925). After a short overview of its turbulent censorship in major Western European countries, the manuscript compares the Belgian and the Dutch cases. This comparative approach is useful in order to understand the differential effectiveness of the various forces trying to discipline the movie – from local municipalities to political parties, pressure groups and the industry itself. Besides the observation that the Dutch and Belgian cases strongly differ, also from those in countries with an obligatory national censorship system, the article demonstrates how the potemkin event became a site of struggle, the target of intense ideological pressures, debate and different types – modalities – of 'censorship'.

In 2008, the Dutch politician Geert Wilders (Partij voor de Vrijheid PVV, Party For Freedom) published on the Internet his film Fitna, discussing the Islam in what the author of the present article calls an amateurish series of stereotypes, prejudices, decontextualized images and (purposeful) mistranslations. The Dutch debate surrounding the movies was almost exclusively directed in terms of freedom of opinion and expression, and their alleged threat. An upheaval amongst the Dutch political elite and within media circles that was, however, disappointingly short. In the present article, the author discusses the obsession for Islam as a symptom of growing political incapacity to make a rational and nuanced analysis of the diversity and complexity of the Islam on the one hand, and the role and place of religion in the 21st century in general. The first part is a criticism of the conducted debate, the second part an effort to formulate the right questions that can lead to some realistic answers. References. O. van Zijl

Traditionally, the Netherlands has enjoyed being a test market for many ideas in the media. But over the last decade, progress has been severely hampered by lengthy discussions on the future structure of just one sector of media, namely public broadcasting via radio and television. The narrow approach results in a lot of paper, speeches and theories, but little in the way of definitive policy making. In a report to the government, published in February 2005, the Scientific Council for Government Policy (WRR) argued for very different approaches to policy making. The recommendations are not only much broader than "broadcasting"; they tackle the challenges of making robust policy from new angles. Instead of trying to repair the old compass, the approach has been to find new instruments to help policymakers navigate the stormy and often confusing waters ahead. Perhaps the problem in the Netherlands is not accepting the new media, but rather accepting that the role "old" media has undergone a paradigm shift. Since the bulk of the WRR findings were published in the Dutch language, this summary is intended to provide readers outside the Netherlands with an insight into the issues at stake - and the solutions suggested by the WRR. Also available in English: "http://www.aup.nl/do.php?a=show_visitor_book&isbn=9789053568262&l=2">Media Policy for the Digital Age - Voor een gezonde democratie is een gevarieerd en toegankelijk media-aanbod van groot belang. Radio, televisie, kranten en tijdschriften spelen immers een belangrijke rol in de maatschappelijke informatievoorziening, het publieke debat, de cultuur, de vrijetijdsbesteding en de ontspanning. Het mediabeleid van de regering is er daarom op gericht een veelzijdig, kwalitatief hoogwaardig en onafhankelijk media-aanbod te garanderen, dat toegankelijk is voor alle bevolkingsgroepen waar ook in het land. De laatste jaren is het medialandschap echter sterk aan het veranderen: het internet rukt op, het onderscheid tussen verschillende media vervaagt en de consument bepaalt zijn keuze op een levendige market van vele verschillende aanbieders. in Focus op functies brengt de WRR advies uit aan de regering om daarmee de doelstellingen van het mediabeleid op een toekomstbestendige wijze op een lijn te brengen met de (verwachte) veranderingen in het medialandschap. In het slothoofdstuk wordt dieper ingegaan op de rol van de publieke omroep daarin. Dit rapport verschijnt ook in het Engels: "http://www.aup.nl/do.php?a=show_visitor_book&isbn=9789053568262&l=2">Media Policy for the Digital Age. Tegelijkertijd met het rapport is "./do.php?a=show_visitor_book&isbn=9789053567340">Trends in het medialandschap. Vier verkenningen verschenen waarin de belangrijkste ontwikkelingen voor de toekomst van het medialandschap in vier deelterreinen (economie, techniek, recht en sociaal-culturele ontwikkelingen) worden beschreven.

This bibliography on women in Indonesia lists 269 periodical articles and monographs in the following divisions: general; women and economy; women and family; women and health; women and children; women in film and literature; women and migrations; women and education; women and their organizations; women, law and religion; various subjects. Most items are annotated. An author and a geographical index have been added.(Koninkl. Inst. voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde)

This article discusses the case of Ion Grigorescu, and of his ambiguous relationship with the communist regime, which he registered through a form of "documentary realism". Through his "realgrams" Grigorescu documented real life experiences in an innovatory approach to the majority of Romanian artists of the time using photographs of his everyday environment, and being inspired by his social and political context. Grigorescu is thus an artist committed to the public space and assuming a critical stance without it being discursive, pedant or moralizing. The approach of this study is descriptive, based on the artists' artworks and self-descriptions, and seeking to situate Grigorescu's approach in the context of the communist regime and its transformation after 1990 into a democratic regime. The conclusions show that Grigorescu's artworks are anti-system, criticizing any establishment, no matter in which regime he finds himself. His contestation is specific to a committed artist that chooses to express his freedom of expression beyond his own studio.