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"The enactment and enforcement of law is regarded as one of the most important attributes of sovereign statehood. Traditionally, 'sovereignty' has been understood as meaning the special quality of a state expressed in its ability to shape its own legal system and to enforce it within the territorial limits of its jurisdiction. Hence the question of the extent to which member states of the European Union are still masters of their legal systems turns out to be a crucial test of their sovereignty. This chapter argues that the legal system of Germany is a Europeanized legal system, in terms both of a European modification of national laws and of a Europeanization of legal culture and modes of governance. This argument takes the form of testing the degree of Europeanization in six different cases, including the field of constitutional law. The conclusion is that the legal system of Germany is a Europeanized legal system and that the German legal profession is quite aware of this development. However, the relationship between the EU and the member states is not to be regarded as an exclusive 'top-down' process. Looking at two examples drawn from public law, the chapter shows that the political and legal European multi-level system can be understood as an ongoing process of interaction between the EU and the national legal systems." (author's abstract)

The implementation of the New Public Management (NPM) model by the UK & New Zealand is critically analyzed to reveal the merits & demerits of this public management reform. From the 1980s, both countries have moved toward privatization, changed the management of public expenditure, & restructured their central bureaucracies in the attempt to efficiently deliver quality public services at reduced cost. The UK, the most committed advocate of NPM, has nevertheless approached reform without a formal strategy or document, while New Zealand has approached NPM with a systematic blueprint & a more radical concept. The experiences of both France & the People's Republic of China illustrate the difficulties of developed & transitional economies in transferring the model across cultural boundaries & confirm that local political cultures are the determiners of such policy transfer outcomes. The UK experiment has received much criticism, & the author questions the validity of considering NPM a successful model. The World Bank & other donor organizations have encouraged developing countries to adopt NPM without regard for the critical literature or adverse results. 9 Tables, 81 References. L. A. Hoffman

Censored WWII photographs stored in the National Archives are examined to determine what public officials felt would harm US morale & the war effort. Censors attempted to promote confidence in US constitutions & maintain the idea of a war fought by good against evil. The photographs most commonly censored were those that suggested that US soldiers were not always just & good, implied that the war might result in disruptive social change, or questioned the ability of Americans to control their institutions & personal lives. Once censored, such images could neither affect public opinion nor put the government's portrayal of the war into doubt. During the war, US citizens could not know to what extent the visual images they saw were censored, nor could they imagine what images were being censored. 5 Figures. J. Ferrari

Das Management der menschlichen Entwicklung und der Kulturwandel werden als eine bedeutsame Richtung der Förderung der öffentlichen Verwaltung in den Entwicklungsländern dargestellt. Dabei wird eine Entwicklung intendiert, die den Einzelnen in einen politisch engagierten Bürgers mit entsprechenden Wahrnehmungs-, Orientierungs- und Handlungsmustern verwandelt. Vor diesem Hintergrund werden die dauerhafte Notsituation als bürokratischer Kontext und der Zusammenhang zwischen kultureller Kompetenz und Förderung der Handlungsfähigkeit analysiert. Die allgemeinen Vorstellungen zur Entwicklung der Bürgerkultur werden durch den lateinamerikanischen Kontext relativiert. Dabei werden wirtschafts- und sozialstatistische sowie demographische Daten über die Region erläutert und die Herausforderungen durch die dauerhaften Notsituationen als ein wesentliches Merkmal der intendierten kulturellen Entwicklung präsentiert. (ICG). Die Untersuchung enthält quantitative Daten.

Too often, observers of the status of democracy in today's Russia look only at the national level, failing to assess the situation in the many regions beyond that of Moscow. It is contended that the 87 other regions are fundamentally different from the center -- Moscow. Further, they differ from each other, yet very little research focuses on cross-regional political trends, despite many regions' size & importance from an international perspective. A comprehensive analysis of political transition in Russia's regions would be of immense value to assessment of the political development & democratization of the country as a whole. This chapter attempts to systematically examine regional variation in terms of the dynamics of democratization. Tables. J. Stanton

The author questions the degree to which political representation has been altered by information & communication technology (ICT). In order to chart the progress of political communication in advanced democracies, models of the political system & the spread of politics from the nation-state are drawn. Situations in which the center of democratic control or general political displacement have occurred include Colombia, Angola, & Liberia. Surveillance of "perverse connections" by the Pentagon & other institutions is noted. There is discussion of ICT's role in enabling & implementing sociopolitical dispersion & segmentation. Reactive state measures are elucidated. A comprehensive review of democratic models is followed by descriptions of four political information dissemination routes. Potentials for populist representation & linking via ICT are explored & accompanied by illustration of three Internet communication models & figures comparing online & offline political movement. 2 Tables, 4 Figures, 53 References. M. C. Leary

Argues that the marketization of public services has fostered private, economic, individualistic conceptions of citizenship while undermining those that are public, social, & communitarian. A structural paradigm that defines the marketization of public services based on a triangular relationship between state, citizen, & intermediate public-service provider (IPSP) is used to explore the impact of the changed citizen/state relationship on citizenship. It is contended that the remodeled relationship has seriously decreased the citizen's voice in government by denying the directness of that voice & commercializing the subject matter of citizen-state discourse. Three key implications of the new marketized relationship are explored: (1) the consumerization of the citizen/IPSP relationship; (2) the marginalization of the state/citizen relationship; & (3) the economization of the IPSP/state relationship. It is argued that the construction of rationales & patterns of operations for these relationships represent the most critical way in which the marketization of public services has been transforming citizenship. Both negative & positive aspects of this transformation are discussed. 29 References. J. Lindroth

The practice of selling public offices in early modern European nations is investigated. Even though remuneration was the main factor that influenced officials to sell their offices, this system was deemed highly irrational because officials, not governments, frequently received fees from such sales. Factors that encouraged officials to perceive public offices as private property & people's motivations for purchasing offices are discussed. In addition, features of early modern European political systems that resulted in the systematic sale of offices are identified, eg, the proliferation of trade. Although the sale of public offices was institutionalized in several European governments, this practice was most widespread in French political systems. Consequences of the institutionalized selling of public offices on a given nation's political & economic systems are considered. It is concluded that conditions necessary for resurrecting the practice of selling offices in present-day democracies are absent. J. W. Parker