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The M. H. Ross Papers contain information pertaining to labor, politics, social issues of the twentieth century, coal mining and its resulting lifestyle, as well as photographs and audio materials. The collection is made up of five different accessions; L2001-05, which is contained in boxes one through 104, L2002-09 in boxes 106 through 120, L2006-16 in boxes 105 and 120, L2001-01 in boxes 120-121, and L2012-20 in boxes 122-125. The campaign materials consist of items from the 1940 and 1948 political campaigns in which Ross participated. These items include campaign cards, posters, speech transcripts, news clippings, rally materials, letters to voters, and fliers. Organizing and arbitration materials covers labor organizing events from "Operation Dixie" in Georgia, the furniture workers in North Carolina, and the Mine-Mill workers in the Western United States. Organizing materials include fliers, correspondence, news articles, radio transcripts, and some related photos. Arbitration files consist of agreements, decisions, and agreement booklets. The social and political research files cover a wide time period (1930's to the late 1970's/early 1980's). The topics include mainly the Ku Klux Klan, racism, Communism, Red Scare, red baiting, United States history, and literature. These files consist mostly of news and journal articles. Ross interacted with coal miners while doing work for the United Mine Workers Association (UMWA) and while working at the Fairmont Clinic in West Virginia. Included in these related files are books, news articles, journals, UMWA reports, and coal miner oral histories conducted by Ross. Tying in to all of the activities Ross participated in during his life were his research and manuscript files. He wrote numerous newspaper and journal articles on history and labor. Later, as he worked for the UMWA and at the Fairmont Clinic, he wrote more in-depth articles about coal miners, their lifestyle, and medical problems they faced (while the Southern Labor Archives has many of Ross's coal mining and lifestyle articles, it does not have any of his medical articles). Along with these articles are the research files Ross collected to write them, which consist of notes, books, and newspaper and journal articles. In additional to his professional career, Ross was adamant about documenting his and his wife's family history in the oral history format. Of particular interest are the recordings of his interviews with his wife's family - they were workers, musicians, and singers of labor and folk songs. Finally, in this collection are a number of photographs and slides, which include images of organizing, coal mining (from the late 19th through 20th centuries), and Appalachia. Of note is a small photo album from the 1930s which contains images from the Summer School for Workers, and more labor organizing. A few audio items are available as well, such as Ross political speeches and an oral history in which Ross was interviewed by his daughter, Jane Ross Davis in 1986. All photographic and audio-visual materials are at the end of their respective series. ; Myron Howard "Mike" Ross was born November 9, 1919 in New York City. He dropped out of school when he was seventeen and moved to Texas, where he worked on a farm. From 1936 until 1939, Ross worked in a bakery in North Carolina. In the summer of 1938, he attended the Southern School for Workers in Asheville, North Carolina. During the fall of 1938, Ross would attend the first Southern Conference on Human Welfare in Birmingham, Alabama. He would attend this conference again in 1940 in Chattanooga, Tennessee. From 1939 to 1940, Ross worked for the United Mine Workers Non-Partisan League in North Carolina, working under John L. Lewis. He was hired as a union organizer by the United Mine Workers of America, and sent to Saltville, Virginia and Rockwood, Tennessee. In 1940, Ross ran for a seat on city council on the People's Platform in Charlotte, North Carolina. During this time, he also married Anne "Buddie" West of Kennesaw, Georgia. From 1941 until 1945, Ross served as an infantryman for the United States Army. He sustained injuries near the Battle of the Bulge in the winter of 1944. From 1945 until 1949, Ross worked for the International Union of Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers, then part of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO), as a union organizer. He was sent to Macon, Georgia, Savannah, Georgia and to Winston-Salem, North Carolina, where he worked with the United Furniture Workers Union. He began handling arbitration for the unions. In 1948, Ross ran for United States Congress on the Progressive Party ticket in North Carolina. He also served as the secretary for the North Carolina Progressive Party. Ross attended the University of North Carolina law school from 1949 to 1952. He graduated with honors but was denied the bar on the grounds of "character." From 1952 until 1955, he worked for the Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers as a union organizer, first in New Mexico (potash mines) and then in Arizona (copper mines). From 1955 to 1957, Ross attended the Columbia University School of Public Health. He worked for the United Mine Workers of America Welfare and Retirement Fund from 1957 to 1958, where he represented the union in expenditure of health care for mining workers. By 1958, Ross began plans for what would become the Fairmont Clinic, a prepaid group practice in Fairmont, West Virginia, which had the mission of providing high quality medical care for miners and their families. From 1958 until 1978, Ross served as administrator of the Fairmont Clinic. As a result of this work, Ross began researching coal mining, especially coal mining lifestyle, heritage and history of coal mining and disasters. He would interview over one hundred miners (coal miners). Eventually, Ross began writing a manuscript about the history of coal mining. Working for the Rural Practice Program of the University of North Carolina from 1980 until 1987, Ross taught in the medical school. M. H. Ross died on January 31, 1987 in Chapel Hill, North Carolina. ; Digitization of the M. H. Ross Papers was funded by the National Historical Publications and Records Commission.

Many now argue that for-profit hospital ownership is on the rise because of the retrenchment of public entitlements and – often more importantly in health care – pro-market reforms in the delivery of these services1. Most theoretical notions assume that for-profit hospitals are more efficient than nonprofit and public hospitals2. It is thought that the inclusion of for-profits in the mainstream health care delivery system may increase efficiency or lower costs3. Issues and ideas around ownership are central in the public arena and for-profit hospital care has thus become the subject of fierce debate. Much of this discourse centers on the question whether health care differs fundamentally from other services, and should thus be sheltered from market forces4. Opponents of for-profit hospitals fear restricted access for those unable to pay, lower quality of care, cherry-picking of profitable services and patients, and excessive management interference in clinical autonomy. Proponents, on the other hand, believe that for-profits can bring about higher levels of efficiency and are more responsive to patient demands.

The "Not-for-Profit" Hospital Sector has the reputation of providing affordable and accessible healthcare for many years. This sector has done yeoman service over the years with some institutions from even before Independence. Although various institutions have been established for different purposes, this sector provides not only curative healthcare, but also preventive healthcare, and links healthcare with social reform, community engagement, and education. They utilize the resources and grants provided to them by the Government to provide cost effective healthcare to the population without being overly concerned about profits. However, this sector remains largely understudied, with a lack of awareness about its services in the public domain.

This study estimates the effects of a prospective payment system on the growth of for-profit hospitals. The empirical results show that the proportion of patient care paid for by Medicare managed care has a positive, statistically significant relationship with the market share of for-profit hospitals. Medicare managed care reimburses health care providers prospectively, and a larger portion of prospective reimbursements is received by for-profit hospitals, whose market share consequently increases. In addition, the proportion of patients with Medi-Cal and third party managed care has a positive, statistically significant relationship with the market share of for-profit hospitals.

Hospitals have the ability to serve as anchor institutions that not only provide clinical care but make important community investments through employment, and outreach, and engagement efforts that address the social determinants of health. In doing so, hospitals may partner with community members and community-based organizations, but the extent to which local residents participate in directing local investments varies across organizations. This study looks at the role of hospitals as anchor institutions and the best practices for leveraging community participation in planning investments to improve social and economic health in communities. We used an inductive, qualitative approach to understand the incentives hospitals have to anchor themselves within their communities and how best practices can be leveraged. We conducted 28 in-depth interviews with 27 hospital leaders and personnel, and one interview with a member of a for-profit hospital advocacy organization. Drawing on thematic analysis, three primary themes were identified as critical to leveraging community-driven anchor activities: strong and intentional community-oriented leadership; direct community involvement; and non-regulatory incentives, including incentive programs. The more institutions, organizations, communities, and individuals expect community-oriented anchor activities from hospitals, the more likely they are to engage in such activities. Critical to this work is ensuring that community members themselves are able to help direct the investments of hospitals in alignment with community health needs. Community stakeholders, including elected officials, public health offices, and policymakers, have important leverage in creating expectations for hospitals to engage in anchor activities and facilitate community-based partnerships as a part of this process.

Gender pay equity is a desirable social value and an important strategy to fill every organizational stratum with gender-diverse talent to fulfill an organization's goals and mission. This study used national, large-sample data to examine gender difference in CEO compensation among not-for-profit hospitals. Results showed the average unadjusted annual compensation for female CEOs in 2009 was $425,085 compared with $581,121 for male CEOs. With few exceptions, the difference existed across all types of not-for-profit hospitals. After controlling for hospital- and area-level characteristics, female CEOs of not-for-profit hospitals earned 22.6% less than male CEOs of not-for-profit hospitals. This translates into an earnings differential of $132,652 associated with gender. Explanations and implications of the results are discussed.

The expansion of United States for-profit hospital chains into the international arena is a new and important development. Experiences with contract management of middle eastern hospitals in the early 1970s gave the American firms impetus to pursue ownership of health facilities in other parts of the world. US companies now operate over 95 foreign hospitals. The reasons for this involvement include the political receptivity of the government of the host nation; the potential for rapid growth and profits; the lack of indigenous competition; and the ability to occupy a distinct niche within the extant health services organization. The political and ideological implications of the growth of private medicine, particularly in the United Kingdom, in terms of its effects on the National Health Service are discussed. Questions for future research are posed.

After "60 Minutes" interviewed doctors at for-profit hospitals who were pressured to admit patients to increase revenues, David H. Howard at Emory University contacted his colleague, LDI Senior Fellow Guy David, and said: "We have to look into this." Howard and David's new study shows that for-profit hospitals have consistently higher rates of admitting patients […]