In a globalized world the "foreign" aspect is getting more and more important. Despite the much talked about pros and cons, this also means that a number of unforeseen challenges should be met. Karel De Gucht, Belgium's Minister of Foreign Affairs, proposes ten theses regarding preparation and coordination of policies, civic service, communication and public diplomacy, qualification and education of its personal, a network of posts abroad, supportive material and services (informatics and security mainly). References. O. van Zijl
Apart from Belgian's OSCE Presidency (Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe), two other important topics in 2006 Belgian foreign affairs were economic diplomacy and the European policy. Concerning economic diplomacy the text addresses the problems surrounding two German branches on Belgian territory: the Volkswagen assembly line and DHL. Furthermore, increased importance of economic diplomacy is a well decided approach of the current Minister for Foreign Affairs De Gucht, emphasizing that in bilateral discussions the economic aspect has to be taken into account at all times. Regarding the European policy of ongoing development of European security and defense policy (EVDB) and civic-military cooperation are addressed. Transatlantic relations have improved since 2003 (Iraq war), changing into a "agree where we can, agree to disagree where we can't" attitude, Belgium diplomatic language has lost its rougher edges, and "the glorious three", three years of Belgium presidency (OSCE 2006, UN Security Council 2007-2008) in which the country gained in expressiveness, but lost character opposite large power such as Russia, the US and China. Regarding the UN Security Council a main objective was abolishing the veto right for permanent member states. Tables, Figures, References. O. van Zijl
In: Acta politica: AP ; international journal of political science ; official journal of the Dutch Political Science Association (Nederlandse Kring voor Wetenschap der Politiek), Band 17, Heft 1, S. 3-39
Policy making in the Netherlands during three post-WWII periods is examined, focusing on limits imposed by the structure of society & the intellectual climate of the time. Intellectual & political constraints in economic policy, welfare policy, physical planning, & foreign affairs are discussed. Political constraints are shifting because of changes in market assessment, planning, & coordination. An increase in consultation among government, employers organizations, & trade unions is advocated, with the government establishing macroeconomic & social guidelines. Modified HA
This presentation at the conference "Buitenlandse politiek in Belgie" (The Foreign Policy in Belgium), organized by the U of Ghent & the Catholic U of Louvain & held in Ghent, 27 Mar 2002, which occasionally refers to, & comments on, David Criekemans's overview on the same topic delivered at the same venue, discusses the foreign policies formulated & pursued by the Flemish government since the region's autonomy in domestic & foreign affairs was expanded by the 1993 law reforming the Belgian state. After listing the strategical objectives of the Flemish foreign policy making, three areas of special interest into which initiatives were targeted in the 1990s & early 2000s are described: (1) international engagement within the European Union (EU), (2) multilateral relations pursued within international organizations, & (3) bilateral agreements promoting the region's culture, science, technology, & ecological & economic interests. Criekemans's treatment of these topics is mostly supported with new arguments & only occasionally contested with mild criticism or corrected with an alternative viewpoint. Z. Dubiel
The Iraq War has once again spotlighted the divisions within the European Union that have prevented a unified foreign policy & strategy in its leadership. While the common market & currency, along with the accession of ten new member states have contributed greatly to a sense of European unity, the reliance on majority consensus & "soft security" neither ensures effective supranational policy making, nor does it eliminate the tension caused by the international leadership claims of three European Union members: GB, France, & Germany. The former two are both nuclear powers & permanent members of the Security Council, while the latter is one of the world's leading economies, & the dominant one in Europe; each has its own interests & orientations (eg, the transatlantic reflex of GB, the Continental reflex of France, & the pacifism of Germany). It is proposed that the European Union give more coordinating & directive power to the Union Ministry for Foreign Affairs to ensure a common foreign policy for the continent. A. Siegel
The Belgian foreign policy carried out by the prime minister Guy Verhofstadt & foreign minister Louis Michel is described as voluntaristic with ethical overtones & contrasted with the US policy of unilateralism. The state of the two countries' mutual relations before & after September 11 is outlined, & the growing division over the war in Irak is investigated. Excerpts from Michel's speeches are quoted to demonstrate the voluntaristic content & form of Belgian foreign policy within the EU & in Central Africa. The split within the EU on supporting the US intervention in Irak, with Belgium joining France & Germany in opposing George W. Bush's decision to invade this country, is described. It is pointed out that Belgium disagrees with the unilateral approach to foreign affairs adopted by the Bush government, as it: (1) replaces the principle of fellowship with followship, (2) dismisses the principle of multilateral consultation propagating its slogan of the "coalition of the willing," & (3) does not respect the "rules-based system" of international conduct. The prospects of Belgium's place in a future configuration of transatlantic relations are assessed, concluding that this country's voluntarism is less damaging to fellowship than American unilateralism. Z. Dubiel
An assessment of Belgian foreign policies promulgated since the summer of 1999 by the current government of prime minister Guy Verhofstadt is presented. The following issues, identified as the most important in the 1999-2002 period, are discussed: (1) the handling of the dioxin crisis of 1999 by the state secretary for international commerce Pierre Chevalier & the minister of foreign affairs Louis Michel, (2) an engagement in peace diplomacy in Central Africa, (3) the European Union (EU) chairmanship by Belgium begun in May 2001, (4) Belgian support & criticism of American military reactions to September 11, & (5) the principles of ethical diplomacy in action. Belgian assertive diplomacy to defend national economic & commercial interests threatened by the dioxin crisis & the country's contribution to solidifying the EU are recognized as positive developments. However, the lukewarm solidarity with the US in the wake of September 11 is found to be damaging to the country on the international arena, & the ad-hoc policies developed for Central Africa are criticized for being only a damage control resulting from "fence-sitting" throughout the 1990s. The three year foreign policy of the current government is found to produce "mixed results" & contain both positive & negative elements. Z. Dubiel
The question whether the Belgian foreign policy is marked by a continuity or break between the first & second turns of Guy Verhofstadt as a prime minister of this country's governments is addressed, surveying developments in the 1999-2004 period & scrutinizing the rhetorical declarations & concrete initiatives "on the ground" by the foreign minister Louis Michel. The diplomatic style of the first & second administrations are compared, & the principles & directions of Belgian foreign policy in 2004 are assessed in the context of the state of political affairs on the global arena, with special attention to the split between the EU & US on the war in Iraq, the division inside the former vis-a-vis supporting or opposing US intervention in this Middle Eastern country, & the recent troubles the EU experiences with greater degree of political integration, projecting also into a lack of coherent, uniform foreign policy on the supranational level. Some of the major issues the Belgian foreign policy must deal in 2004 & beyond are identified: securing democratic & peaceful governance in Central Africa, responding to the anti-Belgian campaign conducted by the US, & supporting the process of strengthening the EU position as a relevant actor on the geopolitical stage. Z. Dubiel