U prilogu je donesen prijepis 12 tjednih političkih izvještaja koje je Konzulat Nezavisne Države Hrvatske (NDH) tijekom 1942. godine slao Ministarstvu vanjskih poslova NDH u Zagrebu, odnosno ministru vanjskih poslova dr. Mladenu Lorkoviću. Usto je donesen prijepis dijela jednog tjednog izvještaja Odsjeka za Italiju Političko-pravnog odjela Ministarstva vanjskih poslova NDH iz rujna 1941. koji se odnosi na otvaranje Konzulata NDH u Ljubljani. Spomenuti izvori, iako fragmentarni, daju niz podataka o ratnim događajima u Ljubljanskoj pokrajini, koju je Kraljevina Italija uspostavila kada je, nakon sloma Kraljevine Jugoslavije 1941., anektirala dio slovenskog teritorija ; The paper contains the transcription of 12 weekly political reports of the Consulate of the Independent State of Croatia (Nezavisna Država Hrvatska, NDH) in Ljubljana from 1942 sent to the NDH's Ministry of foreign affairs in Zagreb, more precisely to the minister of foreign affairs Mladen Lorković. The paper also contains the transcript of a weekly report of the Detachment for Italy of the Political-legal department of the NDH's Ministry of foreign affairs from September 1941 dealing with the establishment of NDH's Consulate in Ljubljana. Transcripts of these documents, although fragmentary, give a whole variety of information dealing with the events in the Ljubljana province. Kingdom of Italy established the Ljubljana province on the Slovenian territory annexed by Italy after the Axis attack on Kingdom of Italy in April 1941.
Ova analiza vanjske politike socijalističke Jugoslavije, a posebno razdoblja vladavine Josipa Broza Tita, prvo je politološko razmatranje te teme nasuprot većini studija koja se njome bave iz historiografske perspektive. U prvom dijelu članka prikazani su glavni elementi analize vanjske politike, pri čemu se autor usredotočuje na odnos aktera i struktura kao jedan njezin element. U drugom dijelu prikazane su teorijske i metodološke postavke na kojima se zasniva analiza vanjske politike socijalističke Jugoslavije. Autor zaključuje da je proces odlučivanja o vanjskoj politici Jugoslavije evoluirao od 1945. do 1980. tako što je Tito, kao glavni donositelj odluka, sve više morao voditi računa o strukturi i raznim akterima unutar nje. Očita je bila sve veća pluralizacija procesa odlučivanja, kako na horizontalnoj razini, u interakciji Saveznog sekretarijata za inozemne poslove, partijskog vrha i Titova kabineta, tako i na vertikalnoj osi, kroz utjecaj republika i pokrajina na odlučivanje na saveznoj razini. Iako je ostao glavni donositelj odluka, Titovu su moć s vremenom znatno ograničili utjecaji drugih aktera, osobito otkako je sedamdesetih godina Predsjedništvo SFRJ dobilo mnoge ovlasti. ; Unlike the great majority of analyses that have taken the historiographic perspective, this study of socialist Yugoslavia's foreign policy, focusing on the Josip Broz Tito era, is the first of its kind to provide a perspective of political science. The first section of this article provides an overview of the main elements of foreign policy analysis, whereby the author focuses on the relationship between the actors and the structures as one of its inherent elements. The second section offers insight into the theoretical and methodological tenets on which the analysis of socijalist Yugoslavia's foreign policy resides. The author argues that the foreign-policy decision-making process in Yugoslavia evolved between 1945 and 1980 as Tito, the chief decision-maker, increasingly had to take into account the structure and the multiple actors within that structure. Evidently, the decision-making processes were becoming more and more pluralized both horizontally, in the interaction between the Federal Secretariat for Foreign Affairs, party leadership and Tito's cabinet, and vertically – as seen from the influence the republics and provinces hadon federal decision-making. Though he remained the chief decision-maker, with time Tito's power became limited by other actors' influence, in particular after the Presidency of Yugoslavia was given extensive authority in the 1970s.
Historian T. Jakovina spoke with the diplomat and ambassador Cvijeto Job. Job took part in the Second World War on the side of the Partisan movement, when he became a member of the Communist Party. The first diplomatic assignments of Cvijeto Job were in Oslo and London. Already in 1950 he is a member of the Yugoslavian diplomatic mission to the United Nations in New York. From 1962 to 1968 he is an advisor to the press in the Yugoslavian embassy in Washington. Following that he returns to Yugoslavia as chief of the Department for the United States of America and Canada in the Federal Secretariat for foreign affairs, and from 1971 to 1976 he is advisor to the Security Council for the Yugoslavian mission at the UN and the deputy ambassador. From 1980 to 1984 he was named the Yugoslavian ambassador to Cyprus. He was retired in 1989, until which time he had served as chief of the Group for planning politics (GZZP) in the Federal Secretariat for foreign affairs (SSIP). He left Yugoslavia in 1991 to reside in the United States. He was an associate of the United States Institute of Peace, and now he is an associate of the Institute for Policy Studies in Washington.
Autor iznosi ključne postupke diplomacije Nezavisne Države Hrvatske: od ustrojstva ministarstva vanjskih poslova u travnju 1941. do zadnjih pokušaja spašavanja NDH u svibnju 1945. U članku su prezentirani svi relevantni događaji za diplomaciju NDH s naglaskom na najvažnije aktere u pojedinim diplomatskim akcijama. Navedeni su svi ministri vanjskih poslova koji su bili na čelu ministarstva, njihove diplomatske aktivnosti te razlozi njihove smjene ili ostavke. Članak također daje uvid u krajnju zavisnost ustaškog režima prema fašističkim saveznicama, Njemačkoj i Italiji – obrađujući odnos sa svakom od njih posebno. Učestalo mijenjanje ministara vanjskih poslova i poslanika u najvažnijim državama za NDH izraz je visoke nestabilnosti i podčinjenosti ustaškog režima okupacijskim silama. ; The author presents the key moments of the diplomacy of the Independent State of Croatia: from the organization of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in April 1941 to the last attempts to save the Independent State of Croatia in May 1945. The article presents all relevant events for the diplomacy of the Independent State of Croatia with a focus on the most important participant in certain diplomatic actions. The paper lists all foreign ministers who headed the ministry, their diplomatic activities and the reasons for their dismissal or resignation. The article also provides an insight into the utmost dependence of the Ustasha regime on fascist allies, Germany and Italy. processing the relationship with each of them separately. The frequent change of foreign ministers and ambassadors in the most important states for the NDH is an expression of high instability and subordination of the Ustasha regime to the occupying forces.
The author considers Croatia's priority in foreign affairs to be the establishment of peace & reintegration of occupied Croatian territory. The international community lent its support to solving Croatia's problems only with certain conditions attached: respect for human & democratic rights, especially the rights of minorities; & respect for the integrity of other countries. The basic problem faced by the international community is that since the end of the East-West polar orientations, there is no concept for solving the conflicts that have erupted in postcommunist countries. In Croatia, the war was viewed (wrongly) as a civil war. The controversy in the Croatian policy, as seen by the author, is in the requirement for absolute adherence to democratic principles, which is difficult to realize in times of war, & in the acceptance of complete democracy as a precondition to peaceful reintegration of occupied Croatian territory. Adapted from the source document.
This paper examines some of the main assumptions on which the IR theory of political realism is based. According to the theory of political realism, national interest and not morality is the main criterion by which the state acts in its foreign affairs. In its first part this article examines three arguments in support of realists' skepticism towards morality in international relations. In the second part the concept of national interest and the possibility of its application as the main criterion in choosing the state action in international relations are examined. The author argues that the only plausible version of morality is universal morality based on respect for fundamental human rights. Realists' view of morality at the international level cannot be defended in a convincing manner. Still, the theory of political realism provides valuable insights about the nature of international morality and the limits of its application. Adapted from the source document.
This paper analyses international response to the Croatian military operation Maslenica in January 1993. Based on media comments and reactions of key international mediators in the war in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, particularly the United Nations, France and Chairman of the International Conference on the Former Yugoslavia, it seeks to answer the question of what the reaction was, how in reality it was in accordance with the proclaimed policies and how it fit into the overall international policy towards the war in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. The paper is based on the documents of the United Nations, the analysis of several newspapers and reports of the Croatian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. It situates behaviour of the main participants within the context of 'carrots and sticks' strategy. The Maslenica operation had shown that international community would not prevent military interventions against the self-declared Republic of Srpska Krajina by Croatian forces. It thus announced what subsequently happened in 1995 with the decisive Operation Storm. Adapted from the source document.
This paper examines some of the main assumptions on which the IR theory of political realism is based. According to the theory of political realism, national interest and not morality is the main criterion by which the state acts in its foreign affairs. In its first part this article examines three arguments in support of realists' skepticism towards morality in international relations. In the second part the concept of national interest and the possibility of its application as the main criterion in choosing the state action in international relations are examined. The author argues that the only plausible version of morality is universal morality based on respect for fundamental human rights. Realists' view of morality at the international level cannot be defended in a convincing manner. Still, the theory of political realism provides valuable insights about the nature of international morality and the limits of its application. Adapted from the source document.
After WWII, new countries emerged in three waves: the first immediately after the war was a result of the activities of the allied coalition; the second wave was the result of decolonization; & the third, newest wave was the result of the fall of communist federations. The author analyzes the consequences of greater numbers of countries for diplomacy. Bilateral diplomacy & organization of diplomatic services in individual countries have been faced with a series of problems: an increase in employees in ministries of foreign affairs; the need to expand the network of diplomatic missions & selection of countries in which missions are to be set up; & the difficulties of financing diplomacy services & the need for greater specialization & employment of regional experts. In international diplomacy, the work of the UN, its membership, & its security council are all hampered. For this reason, regional associations & ad hoc groups formed by countries concerned with specific problems are gaining importance. Adapted from the source document.
Članak se bavi korelacijom diplomatske profesije i etičkog ponašanja. Pomoću tri ključna momenta u povijesti diplomatske profesije, autor razmatra mogućnost etičkog djelovanja u okvirima diplomacije i vanjskih poslova. Kao prvi moment se uzima Machiavellijevo pisanje o ulozi poslanika u stranom kraljevstvu kako bi se pojasnilo, a kasnije i usporedilo, njegovo viđenje poslaničkih dužnosti u odnosu na današnje. Nadalje se, pomoću važnih povijesnih događaja i razmišljanja teoretičara, prikazuju i analiziraju moralne dileme u diplomaciji. Završni dio se odnosi na uspostavu Dissent Channela u State Departmentu koji je važan jer je, makar prividno, pružio priliku američkim diplomatima da djeluju prema savjesti. ; The paper is focused on correlation between diplomatic profession and ethical behaviour. Using three main moments in the history of diplomatic profession, the author is considering possibility of ethical behaviour in terms of diplomacy and foreign affairs. The first moment is based on Machiavelli's view on the role of representative in foreign kingdom in order to explain and later to compare his vision with current vision of representative's duties. Further on, using important historic events and thoughts of theorists, paper shows and analyzes moral dillemas in diplomacy. The final part is focused on establishing Dissent Channel in the State Department which is important because it seemingly gave American diplomats opportunity to act according to their consciousness.
Dugo je vremena koncept suvereniteta smatran kamenom temeljcem domaćeg i međunarodnog prava te političke misli. Koncepcija suvereniteta blisko je povezana s koncepcijom države. Bilo je to »normalno« stanje države, u kojem ona ima vrhovnu ili konačnu vlast u unutarnjim političkim i pravnim pitanjima, a svojstvo neovisnosti prema drugim državama. Međunarodnu zajednicu činile su ravnopravne i neovisne države. Danas, na početku 21. stoljeća, koncept suvereniteta izložen je mnogim izazovima, od kojih je najznačajniji proces globalizacije koji je doveo do sve veće međupovezanosti ljudi širom svijeta vidljive na svim poljima: političkim, vojnim, ekonomskim, kulturnim i pravnim. U ovom radu usredotočit ćemo se na pitanje kako globalizacija utječe na državni suverenitet te da ti pregled argumenata korištenih u novijoj literaturi. ; The concept of sovereignty was for a long time considered as one of the cornerstones of national and international law, and of political thought. The concept of sovereignty was closely connected with the concept of the state. It was a »normal« situation of a country where it had supreme or final power in political and legal matters in its domestic affairs, while at the same time it was independent in relation to all other countries. The international community used to consist of equal and independent states. At the beginning of the 21st century, the concept of sovereignty is faced with many challenges, both in theory and in practice. What happens within a country's territory and to its inhabitants is now less a consequence of national politics than the result of international circumstances – the difference between internal and foreign affairs is becoming increasingly vague. Several processes are happening simultaneously: globalisation (the development of information and communication technology; increase in foreign investments, the development of multinational corporations, and strengthening of the international economic and trade organisations' role), the process of European integration, the development of international protection of human rights (the development of cogent rules of international law, humanitarian interventions, the role of transnational non- governmental organisations), and the phenomenon of »failed states«. All the above mentioned has created a need to redefine the concept of sovereignty.
Dugo je vremena koncept suvereniteta smatran kamenom temeljcem domaćeg i međunarodnog prava te političke misli. Koncepcija suvereniteta blisko je povezana s koncepcijom države. Bilo je to »normalno« stanje države, u kojem ona ima vrhovnu ili konačnu vlast u unutarnjim političkim i pravnim pitanjima, a svojstvo neovisnosti prema drugim državama. Međunarodnu zajednicu činile su ravnopravne i neovisne države. Danas, na početku 21. stoljeća, koncept suvereniteta izložen je mnogim izazovima, od kojih je najznačajniji proces globalizacije koji je doveo do sve veće međupovezanos- ti ljudi širom svijeta vidljive na svim poljima: političkim, vojnim, ekonomskim, kulturnim i pravnim. U ovom radu usredotočit ćemo se na pitanje kako globalizacija utječe na državni suverenitet te dati pregled argumenata korištenih u novijoj literaturi. ; The concept of sovereignty was for a long time considered as one of the corner- stones of national and international law, and of political thought. The concept of sovereignty was closely connected with the concept of the state. It was a »normal« situation of a country where it had supreme or final power in political and legal matters in its domestic affairs, while at the same time it was independent in relation to all other countries. The international community used to consist of equal and independent States. At the beginning of the 21st Century, the concept of sovereignty is faced with many challenges, both in theory and in practice. What happens within a country's territory and to its inhabitants is now less a consequence of national politics than the result of international circumstances - the difference between internal and foreign affairs is becoming increasingly vague. Several processes are happening simultaneously: globalisation (the development of information and communication technology; increase in foreign Investments, the development of multinational corporations, and strengthening of the international economic and trade organisations' role), the process of European integration, the development of international protection of human rights (the development of cogent rules of international law, humanitarian interventions, the role of transnational non/governmental organisations), and the phenomenon of »failed States«. All the above mentioned has created a need to redefine the concept of sovereignty.
Iz teksta: ''Knjiga The Border Dispute Between Croatia and Slovenia: The Stages of a Protracted Conflict and Its Implications for EU Enlargement (u prijevodu Granični spor između Hrvatske i Slovenije: faze dugotrajnog sukoba i njihov odraz na proširenje Europske unije) autora dr. sc. Thomasa Bickla objavljena je 2020. godine na engleskom jeziku u izdanju nakladničke kuće Springer. Knjiga predstavlja autorovu doktorsku disertaciju obranjenu 2019. godine pri Fakultetu društvenih znanosti Sveučilišta Duisburg-Essen u Njemačkoj pod vodstvom mentora prof. dr. sc. Susanne Pickel i prof. dr. sc. Michaela Kaedinga. Autorovo su područje zanimanja političke znanosti i međunarodno pravo, posebice sukobi i europske integracije u razdoblju nakon raspada Jugoslavije. Bavi se proučavanjem teritorijalnih i drugih otvorenih bilateralnih pitanja među državama na području bivše Jugoslavije. Predmet je ove knjige granični spor na kopnu i moru između Hrvatske i Slovenije [.] '' ; From the text: ''This book in its six chapters and four appendices deals with the unresolved legal matter between the two countries related to the land and sea border. The two main sources of data used for the author's research are interviews and documents. The author held 76 interviews with stakeholders directly involved in the various phases of resolving the border dispute: prime ministers, ministers of foreign affairs, civil servants, scholars, and many others. In particular, the interview with our esteemed Professor Emeritus Vladimir-Đuro Degan should be mentioned. The author analyses relevant public documents together with drafts and undisclosed documents, such as drafts of the arbitration agreement.'' [.]
U radu se prikazuju rezultati istraživanja ustroja i djelovanja Izvršnog vijeća Sabora SRH u ustavnom razdoblju 1963-1974. Rad Izvršnog vijeća prati se kroz četiri mandatna razdoblja: četvrto 27. lipnja 1963.-11. svibnja 1967, peto 11. svibnja 1967.-9. svibnja 1969, šesto 9. svibnja 1969.-7. siječnja 1972. te sedmo 7. siječnja 1972.-8. svibnja 1974. Rezultati istraživanja temelje se na analizi arhivskog gradiva fondova Izvršno vijeće Sabora SRH 1953-1990. i Sabor SRH 1945-1982. u Hrvatskom državnom arhivu, te propisa i drugih akata objavljenih u službenim listovima. U radu se donosi sistematizirani pregled svih članova po mandatnim razdobljima, pregled propisima definirane nadležnosti i unutarnjeg ustroja te analiza obilježja i rezultata rada Izvršnog vijeća u promatranom razdoblju. ; The article presents Executive Council of Parliament of Socialist Republic of Croatia (1963-1974), as one of the central governing institutions, with special interest in its organization, functions and activity. The first chapter gives an overview of the provisions about constitution and procedure of members' election. Four mandate periods were established within which the activity of the Executive Council should be monitored: The fourth mandate from 27th June 1963 till 11th May 1967, the fifth mandate from 11th May 1967 till 9th May 1969, the sixth mandate from 9th May 1969 till 7th January 1972 and the seventh mandate from 7th January 1972 till 8th May 1974. The same chapter brings the list of all members organized according to mandates. The second chapter gives an overview of the functions defined in regulations. The next chapter gives an analysis of its organization, divided in four parts: guidance of Executive Council, working bodies (boards, commissions, workgroups), councils and committees, and administrative and professional service. The last chapter gives an analysis of the activity of Executive Council. It is concluded that the most of the activity concerns the discussion of questions related to economy and finances, organization of central Republic's institutions, republican and regional (local) governing bodies, as well as system of justice, security and home affairs. As well, follow questions related to education, science and culture, health care system and social policy, labour relations, foreign affairs and international relations.
Ideja o nastanku jedne zajednice koja bi obuhvatila Europu seže daleko u prošlost, ali tek 1950. godine nastaju prvi koraci ka stvaranju Europske unije. Velika razaranja u ratovima nametnula su razmišljanja o tome kako nadići antagonizme među europskim državama. Nakon Drugog svjetskog rata, europske države shvaćaju da imaju zajedničke probleme i odlučuju se dobrovoljno udružiti u zajednicu kako bi stvorile bolju budućnost za nadolazeće generacije. Tako nastaje Europska zajednica za ugljen i čelik, koja se kasnije udružuje s Europskom ekonomskom zajednicom i Europskom zajednicom za atomsku energiju te se od 1993. godine formalno formira Europska unija pod tim nazivom. Sadrži veliki broj članica koje se povećavaju iz dana u dan. Osnovni cilj rada jest prikazati kakva je to zapravo bila ideja o osnivanju zajednica koje bi ujedinile Europu, kako je nastala Europska zajednica te kako se razvijala, prikazati ciljeve EU-a, kakve je promjene donijela u Europi te je li ispunila svoj prvobitni i najznačajniji cilj, a to je ujedinjenje Europe. ; The European Union represents the most significant segment of the European integration. The idea about its formation and the formation itself have a long history. In 1950, the French Foreign Minister – Robert Schuman, motivated by the need of establishing peace, presented a project as the beginning of the European federalization process or more clearly as the first step towards the European Federation. Under this influence, in 1952¸ European Coal and Steel Community was established. In the upcoming years, two more communities were founded – European Economic Community and European Community for Atomic Energy. The result of the cooperation and integration of these two communities is the European Union. Formally, it is established on the 1st of November, 1993 by the Maastricht Treaty. European Union is the result of a discussion on building the everlasting peace in this region. It was created as a consequence of fear from the internal and foreign threats to the safety of Europe. The main goals of the European integrations are: encouraging the balanced and tenable economic development; to confirm its identity on the international scene, especially by spreading common foreign and secure politics; to strengthen the protection of rights and interests of the citizens of its members by the introduction of the rights of Union citizenship; to develop a close cooperation in the field of judiciary and internal affairs. Political activities of the European Union can be seen in different spheres – from the health care and economics to the foreign affairs and defence politics. Depending on the development of every country individually, the organization of the European Union differs on different fields. European Union, as the organization that unites Europe and that represents an important segment in development of the international cooperation and the peacekeeping, has become a subject of a study and research of the international historiography. Today, the establishment and development of the European Union are being studied greatly, but also is a question whether it shows some indications of its disruption and disadvantages that could be the reasons of the EU falling apart. Therefore, thanks to many authors, a lot of work exists that talks about this. Is EU going to fall apart in the future - remains the question for which we will be able to find an answer only in days ahead of us.
