The Foreign Affairs Committee has been a central point in the Norwegian political life ever since 1917 when the committee began its activity in its current role under the chairman J. L. Mowinckel. Since then the committee has been led by three prime ministers and three foreign affairs ministers, mostly under left wing rule, even if the Christian People's Party and the Conservative Party have also chaired the committee for three terms each. The first female committee member was Rakel Sewerin from 1961 to 1969 and the only female committee chairman was Gro Harlem Brundtland from 1980 to 1981 and from 1989 to 1990. L. Pitkaniemi
Throughout the course of the last decade, international events have pushed the development of the Danish foreign affairs department in previously unseen ways. As a result, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs has undertaken an extensive re-structuring & revitalization of the department. While these changes were first influenced by external conditions, demand to have full control over its operations has led the department to carry on this evolution internally. Encouraging a merit-driven culture within the department reflects Denmark's growing focus on expanding its reach as a global actor. With emphasis on new developments in information management, transparency, globalization, & commerce, this article reviews some of the adaptive measures taken by the department & the relative degrees of success that have resulted. References. C. Brunski
It can be argued that foreign ministers can create their own history, but not under conditions they have chosen. According to international politics research, foreign ministers are usually seen as an extension of the party or state, and their operational room is determined by both political and psychological factors. In Norway the foreign minister's leeway has been determined by parliamentary support, constitutional support, the relation to the foreign affairs committee, and their informal contacts. However, Norway suffers from a given limited foreign policy leeway due to its smallness, with a few notable exceptions that took place during the cold war and the land mine ban. Adapted from the source document.
Comments on "refleksprosjektet"; a Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs initiative to define Norwegian foreign policy in a new era faced with global changes in the areas of environment, energy, global warming, health, poverty, world security, technology and communication, international migration, religion, the global economy and changes in Norwegian changes in the areas of oil, the petroleum fund, open society, and global economic dependencies. Comments include the relationship between government initiative reports and practical politics, challenges of future planning, and value of plans to increase experience based learning. Concludes that the value of the initiative is increased focus, interest, debate, and understanding of Norwegian foreign policy issues. References. E. Sundby
During the Cold War the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs was almost uncontested in its foreign policy role, a position that has become challenged since the 1990's due to the internationalization, globalization and europeanization of the world. In its European policy the ministry is challenged by business, non-profit organizations, political parties and regional/local governments. Due to Norway's role in peace operations, the foreign policy leeway of NGOs and the Norwegian Ministry of Development Cooperation has grown, and in addition the Norwegian Ministry of Defence has taken a stronger foreign policy position. All of these events have reduced the political power of the Norwegian foreign ministers, who have largely responded by emphasizing their role in the bigger picture of promoting security and peace throughout the world. Adapted from the source document.
This article prevents a historical summary of Norway's 1971 role in the normalization of relations between China & Thailand. Norwegian ambassador to Beijing Ole Alegrd met with Thailand's Foreign Affairs Minister Thanat Khoman, who made it known to Alegrdthat Thailand wished to have diplomatic relations with China. Alegrd's performance as diplomatic negotiator in this process is here described by former ambassador Sten Lundbo, who also reveals the effect that the UN General Assembly's resolution to invite China to assume a place in the UN. This development came then as a natural segue to invite China to participate in direct negotiation with Thailand. Diplomatic relations between the two countries were finally established in 1975, thanks largely to the Norway's diplomatic management of the situation, as is described in this article. C. Brunski
Many changes, both internally & externally, have been felt during the 20 yrs that a Democratic majority governed the US. Since Eisenhower's election in 1952 & re-election in 1956, it would be interesting to know to what extent the Republican majority can be considered to be stable. In 1956, the Democrats won the elections, the presidential party having failed, for the 1st time since 1848, to carry a majority to Congress in a Presidential election yr. PO polls show that there are 3 Democrats for every 2 Republicans. Stevenson was defeated because the Republicans were better organized than the Democrats, many of whom voted for Eisenhower or did not vote at all. Finally, the Republicans control almost all of the press & the media of propaganda & information, & the SS of Republicanism is more a matter of prestige than one of soc pressure. The Wc, while still almost exclusively Democratic in 1948, is becoming more & more Republican, while the moderates are gradually drifting from the Democratic party. Cath's, Ru voters, & individuals living in small towns are tending toward Republicanism, while the younger age groups of the New Deal generation are remaining faithful to the Democratic Party. The qualities of the candidates in 1952 & 1956 certainly played a role in the division of the votes, but if the prestige of the General was a factor, Stevenson also had traits in his favor. Domestic issues, especially the Negro question, had their influence, but foreign affairs is the area in which the diff's in the parties is most apparent. Tr by J. A. Broussard from IPSA.
A discussion of the book by Marin Saeter, Det politiske Europa -- Europeisk integrasjon: Teori, ide og praksis ([Political Europe -- European Integration: Theory, Ideas, and Praxis] Oslo: Universitetsforlaget 1971), as an illustration of the importance of Norsk Utenrikpolitisk Institutt (Norwegian Institute of International Affairs [NUPI]) to political sciences. Adapted from the source document.
Congratulates the Norwegian Institute of International Affairs (NUPI) on its 50th anniversary for all it has done within foreign policy research throughout the years. The closest relative to NUPI in Norway is the Fridtjof Nansen Institute (FNI), which focuses on environmental and energy politics, whereas the first mentioned is a clear leader in general political research. L. Pitkaniemi
A discussion of the book by Helge Pharo, Hjelp til selvhjelp. Det indisk-norske fiskeriprosjektets historie 1952-1972 ([Assistance with Self-help. History of the Indian-Norwegian Fishing Project between 1952 and 1972)] Oslo: NUPI 1986), as an illustration of the importance of Norsk Utenrikpolitisk Institutt (Norwegian Institute of International Affairs [NUPI]) to political science. Adapted from the source document.
Six current and former Norwegian foreign ministers gathered for the fourth 50 year celebratory seminar conducted by the Norwegian Institute of International Affairs (NUPI). The theme of discussion was past, present and future Norwegian foreign policy challenges. The contrast of the discussion was strong as Thorvald Stoltenberg, who held the position from 1987 to 1989, discussed the end of the cold war, while Jonas Gahr Store talked about climate change as a newly established part of foreign policy. In general a wide agreement and foreign policy continuity existed among the ministers. For example, all ministers supported a membership in the EU, but were conflicted in whether or not the country will actually move towards that direction. They also agreed on that the world is moving towards a multipolar foreign policy environment and that Norway's main foreign policy goals consist in strengthening the country's relationship with Scandinavia and Russia. Adapted from the source document.
The Norwegian Institute of International Affairs (NUPI) can be seen as the most central agent in the Norwegian foreign policy scene and is known for its many good seminars and talented researchers. A researcher from the Institute for Labour and Social Research (Fafo) congratulates NUPI for its achievements and hopes for a continuing good relationship between the institutes. L. Pitkaniemi
