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The Three Seas Initiative (TSI) constitutes a project involving the
cooperation of twelve European countries. Poland and Croatia, the founders of the TSI, are especially active in this respect. Even though Hungary seems the closest political ally of Poland, the country rarely participates in TSI actions. In addition, when pursuing its politics, Hungary remains in contradiction to the principles of the TSI- chiefly regarding energy policies. The paper aims to offer answers to questions concerning the significance of the TSI in Hungary's foreign affairs policies and the country's perception of such a form of cooperation in Europe.

Publications in western specialized journals which describe the Russian Federation's international behavior have always followed a certain paradigm of international relations. The article is an analysis of opinions and beliefs held by commentators and analysts writing for "Foreign Affairs", based on their publications about the annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation on march 2014. They have been scrutinized using three predominant theories of international relations: realism, liberalism and constructivism. The research proved that western commentators and analysts writing about the annexation of Crimea usually present a single paradigm of international relations. Moreover, they believe it to be the only effective tool in explaining countries' foreign policy, thereby depreciating the value and usefulness of other paradigms. ; Publikacje w zachodniej prasie specjalistycznej dotyczące zachowań międzynarodowych Federacji Rosyjskiej od zawsze wpisują się w jakiś konkretny paradygmat stosunków międzynarodowych. Artykuł jest analizą opinii i poglądów prezentowanych przez komentatorów i analityków publikujących na łamach "Foreign Affairs", przeprowadzoną na podstawie ich publikacji dotyczących aneksji Krymu przez Federację Rosyjską w marcu 2014 r. Przeanalizowano je przez pryzmat trzech teorii stosunków międzynarodowych głównego nurtu, tj. realizmu, liberalizmu i konstruktywizmu. W wyniku badań uzyskano potwierdzenie opinii, iż zachodni komentatorzy i analitycy zazwyczaj wyraźnie prezentują wybrany paradygmat stosunków międzynarodowych, pisząc o aneksji Krymu. Ponadto uznają, iż jest on jedynym skutecznym narzędziem wyjaśniania polityki zagranicznej państw, a tym samym deprecjonują znaczenie i przydatność pozostałych paradygmatów.

The paper discusses the parliamentary systems of selected Arab and Muslim countries in the Middle East and North Africa at the turn of the 1960s.The analysis concerns a document drawn up for executives in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in late 1972, with an attachment discussing the parliamentary systems of the countries of primary importance for the goals and interests of Poland. As concerns the Middle East, the parliamentary systems of Lebanon, Syria, Jordan, Iraq, Kuwait, Iran and North and South Yemen were described. In North Africa, the analysis encompassed the Maghreb region: Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, and the Mashrek region: Egypt, Libya and Sudan.The paper concludes with a statement that the document was an accurate and faithful presentation of the parliamentary systems of representative states. Political relations in this region were developing dynamically at that time, military coups and coups d'état occurred, some states were leaning towards socialism, while maintaining their family or religious structures, while others were only just gaining their full sovereignty and independence. The situation of Israel continued to be complicated, as the state remained highly confrontational towards Arab countries. This last issue was the reason for Poland's failing to achieve the strategic goals of its foreign policy in the Middle East and North Africa. Another Israeli-Arab war in October 1973 made Polish decision makers realize how fragile the foundations of states in the region were, preventing Poland from becoming fully involved in Arab and Muslim countries. ; The paper discusses the parliamentary systems of selected Arab and Muslim countries in the Middle East and North Africa at the turn of the 1960s.The analysis concerns a document drawn up for executives in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in late 1972, with an attachment discussing the parliamentary systems of the countries of primary importance for the goals and interests of Poland. As concerns the Middle East, the parliamentary systems of Lebanon, Syria, Jordan, Iraq, Kuwait, Iran and North and South Yemen were described. In North Africa, the analysis encompassed the Maghreb region: Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, and the Mashrek region: Egypt, Libya and Sudan.The paper concludes with a statement that the document was an accurate and faithful presentation of the parliamentary systems of representative states. Political relations in this region were developing dynamically at that time, military coups and coups d'état occurred, some states were leaning towards socialism, while maintaining their family or religious structures, while others were only just gaining their full sovereignty and independence. The situation of Israel continued to be complicated, as the state remained highly confrontational towards Arab countries. This last issue was the reason for Poland's failing to achieve the strategic goals of its foreign policy in the Middle East and North Africa. Another Israeli-Arab war in October 1973 made Polish decision makers realize how fragile the foundations of states in the region were, preventing Poland from becoming fully involved in Arab and Muslim countries.

The paper proposes a research approach for the examination of the involvement of the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Issues (High Representative) in the policy-making process. The point of departure is constituted by the predominant view reflected in the literature of the High Representative being solely a constrained agent of the national capitals as a collective principal. A key limitation of the role of the High Representative seems to be that the decision-making power remain in the hands of the Member States. The proposed model introduces the category of a policy entrepreneur and shall examine to what extent, by acting as such, the High Representative can manage to enhance her discretion in relations to the collective principal. ; Artykuł przedstawia model badawczy, który może być zastosowany do analizy roli Wysokiego Przedstawiciela Unii do Spraw Zagranicznych i Polityki Bezpieczeństwa (Wysoki Przedstawiciel) w procesie decyzyjnym. Punktem wyjścia do modelu jest dominujący pogląd odzwierciedlony w literaturze, według którego Wysoki Przedstawiciel jest wyłącznie ograniczonym agentem (constrained agent) państw członkowskich pełniących rolę zbiorowego pryncypała (collective principal). Kluczowym ograniczeniem roli Wysokiego Przedstawiciela wydaje się być pozostawiona w rękach państw członkowskich kompetencja decyzyjna. Proponowany model wprowadza kategorię politycznego przedsiębiorcy i bada, na ile poprzez działanie w charakterze takiego przedsiębiorcy Wysoki Przedstawiciel może zwiększyć swoje pole manewru w relacjach ze zbiorowym zleceniodawcą.

Artykuł przedstawia model badawczy, który może być zastosowany do analizy roli Wysokiego Przedstawiciela Unii do Spraw Zagranicznych i Polityki Bezpieczeństwa (Wysoki Przedstawiciel) w procesie decyzyjnym. Punktem wyjścia do modelu jest dominujący pogląd odzwierciedlony w literaturze, według którego Wysoki Przedstawiciel jest wyłącznie ograniczonym agentem (constrained agent) państw członkowskich pełniących rolę zbiorowego pryncypała (collective principal). Kluczowym ograniczeniem roli Wysokiego Przedstawiciela wydaje się być pozostawiona w rękach państw członkowskich kompetencja decyzyjna. Proponowany model wprowadza kategorię politycznego przedsiębiorcy i bada, na ile poprzez działanie w charakterze takiego przedsiębiorcy Wysoki Przedstawiciel może zwiększyć swoje pole manewru w relacjach ze zbiorowym zleceniodawcą. ; The paper proposes a research approach for the examination of the involvement of the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Issues (High Representative) in the policy-making process. The point of departure is constituted by the predominant view reflected in the literature of the High Representative being solely a constrained agent of the national capitals as a collective principal. A key limitation of the role of the High Representative seems to be that the decision-making power remain in the hands of the Member States. The proposed model introduces the category of a policy entrepreneur and shall examine to what extent, by acting as such, the High Representative can manage to enhance her discretion in relations to the collective principal.

Artykuł wydano na licencji Commons CC-BY-NC-ND 3.0 Polska i został dodany do repozytorium przez przedstawiciela redakcji. ; Przedmiotowy artykuł poświęcony jest przedstawieniu organizacji i funkcjonowania organów państwa szwajcarskiego prowadzących politykę zagraniczną. Omawia podstawy konstytucyjne prowadzenia polityki zagranicznej przez parlament federalny, rząd federalny (ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem Departamentu Spraw Zagranicznych) oraz zadania szwajcarskich misji dyplomatycznych. Ponadto ukazuje cele, polityki i maksyma współczesnej polityki zagranicznej Konfederacji Szwajcarskiej. ; The article is devoted to the presentation of the organisation and operation of the Swiss authorities of the Member State carrying out foreign policy. Discusses the constitutional basis of conducting foreign policy by the Federal Parliament, the Federal Government (with particular reference to the Department of Foreign Affairs) and the tasks of the Swiss diplomatic missions. In addition, it shows the objectives, policies and maxim of modern foreign policy of the Swiss Confederation. ; Artur Potocki

The head of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs called on his long standing diplomatic experience and exceptional interpersonal skills by preparing conditions for negotiations which general Sikorski held in the United States between 23rd and 30th of March 1942. During the negotiations Raczyński, and later Sikorski, ensured financial resources for the operations of the Polish Underground State and included Poland into the Lend- Lease Act. The failures were the lack of Polish-American political agreement and approval of US President Franklin Delano Roosevelt to the idea of the European Central Federation. ; Polski kierownik Ministerstwa Spraw Zagranicznych, wykorzystując swoje długoletnie doświadczenie dyplomatyczne i nieprzeciętne zdolności interpersonalne, przygotował grunt do rozmów, które Sikorski odbył w Stanach Zjednoczonych pomiędzy 23 a 30 III 1942 roku. W trakcie negocjacji Raczyńskiemu, a później Sikorskiemu udało się zagwarantować środki finansowe na działalność polskiego podziemia oraz włączyć Polskę do programu lend-lease. Do niepowodzeń zaliczyć trzeba niepodpisanie polsko-amerykańskiego układu politycznego oraz brak aprobaty prezydenta Stanów Zjednoczonych Franklina Delano Roosevelta dla idei Federacji Środkowo-Europejskiej.

The head of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs called on his long standing diplomatic experience and exceptional interpersonal skills by preparing conditions for negotiations which general Sikorski held in the United States between 23rd and 30th of March 1942. During the negotiations Raczyński, and later Sikorski, ensured financial resources for the operations of the Polish Underground State and included Poland into the Lend- Lease Act. The failures were the lack of Polish-American political agreement and approval of US President Franklin Delano Roosevelt to the idea of the European Central Federation. ; Polski kierownik Ministerstwa Spraw Zagranicznych, wykorzystując swoje długoletnie doświadczenie dyplomatyczne i nieprzeciętne zdolności interpersonalne, przygotował grunt do rozmów, które Sikorski odbył w Stanach Zjednoczonych pomiędzy 23 a 30 III 1942 roku. W trakcie negocjacji Raczyńskiemu, a później Sikorskiemu udało się zagwarantować środki finansowe na działalność polskiego podziemia oraz włączyć Polskę do programu lend-lease. Do niepowodzeń zaliczyć trzeba niepodpisanie polsko-amerykańskiego układu politycznego oraz brak aprobaty prezydenta Stanów Zjednoczonych Franklina Delano Roosevelta dla idei Federacji Środkowo-Europejskiej.

The aim of the paper is to analyze how Europeanization is used as an instrument of the European Union's foreign policy in the field of promoting democracy in the world. This fi rst requires an indication that all EU activities, including its relations with the international environment, are based on specific normative foundations. They include the so-called European values regarding, generally speaking, the promotion of democracy and broadly
understood human rights, as well as strengthening peace in international relations. "European values" are not only political and ideological guidelines, but also legal norms enshrined in EU treaties, so the promotion of democracy is one of the basic goals of the EU's foreign policy. Analysis of the EU's promotion of democracy requires the presentation of the main categories used to study this issue, i.e. showing what is understood by Europeanization, as well as by the associated concepts of democratization and socialization. Then mechanisms of europeanization are examined, as well as its results and evaluation of its effectiveness is provided. In this respect the case study is very helpful, in that it examines the results of
Europeanization in relation to the EU partner countries covered by the Eastern Partnership. The paper ends with fi nal remarks constituting a summary of the studied issues.

Presented in this article are negotiations that the head of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs Edward Raczyński had in North America (United States, Canada). These include meetings held between the dates of 15th of February and 13th of March 1942. The main purpose of the visit, apart from organizing all the finer details connected with the arrivalof the Prime Minister and Commander-in-Chief was to increase the United States interest in European issues (especially Polish matters). Among Raczyński's other tasks one was to recognize the possibility of the signing of a Polish-American political agreement and another was to raise a favorable loan from the United States. ; Przedstawione w artykule rozmowy ministra spraw zagranicznych Edwarda Raczyńskiego przeprowadzone w Ameryce Północnej (Stany Zjednoczone, Kanada), obejmują spotkania pomiędzy 15 lutego a 13 marca 1942 roku. Głównym celem wizyty, oprócz wymiaru organizacyjnego związanego z przewidywanym wkrótce przylotem premiera i wodza naczelnego gen. Władysława Sikorskiego, było zwiększenie zainteresowania Stanów Zjednoczonych kwestiami Starego Kontynentu ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem spraw bezpośrednio związanych z Polską. Do innych zadań leżących w kompetencjach Raczyńskiego było wybadanie gruntu odnośnie co do możliwości podpisania polsko-amerykańskiego układu politycznego oraz zaciągnięcia w Stanach Zjednoczonych korzystnego kredytu walutowego.

Przedstawione w artykule rozmowy ministra spraw zagranicznych Edwarda Raczyńskiego przeprowadzone w Ameryce Północnej (Stany Zjednoczone, Kanada), obejmują spotkania pomiędzy 15 lutego a 13 marca 1942 roku. Głównym celem wizyty, oprócz wymiaru organizacyjnego związanego z przewidywanym wkrótce przylotem premiera i wodza naczelnego gen. Władysława Sikorskiego, było zwiększenie zainteresowania Stanów Zjednoczonych kwestiami Starego Kontynentu ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem spraw bezpośrednio związanych z Polską. Do innych zadań leżących w kompetencjach Raczyńskiego było wybadanie gruntu odnośnie co do możliwości podpisania polsko-amerykańskiego układu politycznego oraz zaciągnięcia w Stanach Zjednoczonych korzystnego kredytu walutowego. ; Presented in this article are negotiations that the head of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs Edward Raczyński had in North America (United States, Canada). These include meetings held between the dates of 15th of February and 13th of March 1942. The main purpose of the visit, apart from organizing all the finer details connected with the arrivalof the Prime Minister and Commander-in-Chief was to increase the United States interest in European issues (especially Polish matters). Among Raczyński's other tasks one was to recognize the possibility of the signing of a Polish-American political agreement and another was to raise a favorable loan from the United States.

The development of the information society has initiated the need for creating new instruments with the help of which the authorities can reach out to citizens. Therefore, cyberspace has recently become a place of activity of a number of entities including state and international organizations (together with the European Union). The result of this phenomenon is the creation of the so-called digital diplomacy as new quality in the so-called diplomacy of the EU. The EU diplomacy currently uses a number of e-tools, among others, Facebook, MySpace, Daily Motion, YouTube, etc. These tools are a very good method to improve and warm up the image of the Union in the international arena. This kind of diplomacy was only formed at the beginning of the twenty-first century and has a great prospect of development, thus, it is worth considering in which direction its evolution should follow. Digital diplomacy is a de facto response to the problem of the EU communication with the outside world and the growing number of Internet users.

Publikacja recenzowana / Peer-reviewed publication ; Artykuł porusza kwestię zasobów internetowych związanych z badaniami nad polityką zagraniczną Rosji za panowania Mikołaja II. Problem rozpatrywany jest w oparciu o strony internetowe dwóch bibliotek rosyjskich – Rosyjskiej Biblioteki Narodowej i Państwowej Publicznej Biblioteki Historycznej. Uwzględniono także stronę rosyjskiego Ministerstwa Spraw Zagranicznych i stronę Książki Google. Omówiono dostępne materiały źródłowe i literaturę związane z polityką zagraniczną Rosji w latach 1894–1917. ; Th e article concerns Internet resources related to research into Russia's foreign policy during the reign of Nicholas II. Th e problem is examined on the basis of websites of two Russian libraries – the National Library of Russia and the State Public Historical Library. Th e website of the Russian Ministry of Foreign Aff airs and the Google Books service were also taken into consideration. Th is provided the grounds for discussing the available source materials and literature related to the Russian foreign policy in the years 1894–1917.

Lithuania's striving towards independence in 1989–1991 provoked fears of the national minorities living in Lithuania, including Poles, regarding the approach of an independent Lithuania towards the protection of their rights. In the case of Poles, maintaining Polish schools and unity of the regions inhabited mostly by the Polish minority, their protection against uncontrolled Lithuanian colonisation, and confirming their right to the land were crucial. The fears regarding the intentions of new Lithuanian authorities inspired the concept of creating a Polish autonomous district. Its creation was a grass roots process undertaken on the self-governmental level. The Lithuanians considered these actions a manifestation of anti- Lithuanian attitude, reluctance towards Lithuanian independence, and disloyalty to the state. The Poles in Lithuania tried to gain the support of Poland. The issue has been discussed in the Foreign Affairs Commission of the Senate several times. The senators (in line with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs) were against the territorial autonomy of the Vilnius region. They argued that the Poles in Lithuania should follow the OSCE provisions and strengthen the territorial self-government that would protect their right to autonomy better. The Polish position was due to the concerns regarding the status of the German and Lithuanian minorities and to huge support of Lithuanian independence in Poland. The conviction that good relations with Lithuania would result in its positive attitude towards the Polish minority was expressed several times in the Senate. Common discussions about the ways of preserving the identity of Poles in Lithuania did not result in a consensus. ; Lithuania's striving towards independence in 1989–1991 provoked fears of the national minorities living in Lithuania, including Poles, regarding the approach of an independent Lithuania towards the protection of their rights. In the case of Poles, maintaining Polish schools and unity of the regions inhabited mostly by the Polish minority, their protection against uncontrolled Lithuanian colonisation, and confirming their right to the land were crucial. The fears regarding the intentions of new Lithuanian authorities inspired the concept of creating a Polish autonomous district. Its creation was a grass roots process undertaken on the self-governmental level. The Lithuanians considered these actions a manifestation of anti- Lithuanian attitude, reluctance towards Lithuanian independence, and disloyalty to the state. The Poles in Lithuania tried to gain the support of Poland. The issue has been discussed in the Foreign Affairs Commission of the Senate several times. The senators (in line with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs) were against the territorial autonomy of the Vilnius region. They argued that the Poles in Lithuania should follow the OSCE provisions and strengthen the territorial self-government that would protect their right to autonomy better. The Polish position was due to the concerns regarding the status of the German and Lithuanian minorities and to huge support of Lithuanian independence in Poland. The conviction that good relations with Lithuania would result in its positive attitude towards the Polish minority was expressed several times in the Senate. Common discussions about the ways of preserving the identity of Poles in Lithuania did not result in a consensus.

Ten years after Poland's accession to the European Union it seems right to ask the question: is our country a subject or an object in the political game in Brussels? Is our position strong enough to effectively influence the decision-making mechanisms in the European Union? Or maybe what some say about Poland's position in the EU is true and our country is indeed "playing out of its league? In an attempt to contribute to answering these questions, in this text the author tries to identify the factors which may have had an impact on the election of Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk for the President of the European Council. The aim of the conducted cognitive process is also to perform an initial analysis of the visible results of this move, both for the institutional system of the European Union and for the way in which public decisions are shaped within the organization.The author also tries to identify the most significant challenges the Union has to face, as seen from the perspective of the President of the European Council. One might hope that this will be a good starting point for learning about the mechanism of forming political decisions in the EU, which will also find their place in the hereby publication as part of an extended analysis.