Suchergebnisse

В статье рассматривается роль социальных сетей в политической коммуникации, в частности, их роль в создании национального имиджа страны. ; Recently, representatives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of China have actively been answering on their online public relations platforms questions of the population members from all circles of the society using social networking services with a large number of users, which facilitates bilateral communication with the society and dissemination of official information about the policy of China. This is associated with the change in the Internet space in the early 21st century: in the modern social media, transmission and reception of information is often carried out in dialogic and interactive mode. Based on the analysis of the activity of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs press service, the author studies the role of social networking sites in political communication, and specifically their role in the creation of the national image of the country. The article analyzes three aspects of Internet communication: content, communication channels and its language strategie.

Central Asia's pivotal geographical position allowed it to play an essential role in relations among nations of Eurasia in the Middle Ages as the bridge between China and Europe. Yet, during the Russian and then the Soviet rule in Central Asia, the region's republics had no independent position in international relations as foreign affairs was formed and managed by the central government in Moscow. The collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 made salient the geopolitical, economic, and cultural importance of the fi ve former Soviet Central Asian republics. They reemerged as independent actors in the global interstate system and could have played a signifi cant role in international affairs during the last three decades. The article aims to discuss the Central Asian region's position in the Soviet and post-Soviet eras. It explores how Central Asia as a "closed" region during the Soviet period changed its geopolitical position and became an infl uential actor in global affairs.In addition, the article addresses factors that have played important role in globalizing Central Asia. ; Особое географическое положение Центральной Азии позволяло ей играть особую роль в отношениях между народами Евразии в средние века в качестве моста между Китаем и Европой. Во время российского, а затем и советского контроля Средней Азии республики региона не обладали независимостью в осуществлении иностранных дел. Распад Советского Союза в 1991 году позволил странам региона играть новую, важную геополитическую, экономическую и культурную роль в мире. Они возродились как независимые игроки в глобальной межгосударственной системе и смогли играть значительную роль в международных делах в течение последних трех десятилетий. Статья направлена на анализ положения регионов Центральной Азии в советское и постсоветское время. В ней исследуется, каким образом Центральная Азия как «закрытый» регион в советский период изменила свое геополитическое положение и стала влиятельным игроком в международных делах. Кроме того, в статье рассматриваются факторы, которые имели ключевое значение в глобализации Центральной Азии.

The article is devoted to the life and works of Fitaurari I.F. Babichev, the man whose name is not mentioned in the studies of any Russian or foreign authors, including Ethiopians. The biography I.F. Babichev, who took an active part in the most important military and diplomatic events during the beginning of the modernization of the administrative apparatus of the Ethiopian empire, deserves a separate study, which has not previously been carried out. The authors are attempting to fill the gap, on the basis of unpublished archival material sources.

The author analyses the European Union's foreign policy in Central Asia. He indicates the basic tendencies of development of the EU cooperation with the countries of Central Asian region. Further, the author analyzes the implementation of joint projects within the framework adopted by the Partnership Agreements. Based on a critical analysis, the researcher highlights a number of constraints to effective development of relations between the EU and Central Asian states. He carries out a structural analysis of conceptual documents of the European Union for the development of bilateral and multilateral relations with Central Asian countries in the region.

Scientific novelty of this work lies in the systematization of stages in the evolution of relations between the European Union and the countries of Central Asia. The author divides the formation of cooperation into four main stages.

The first stage of the relations between the EU and the countries of Central Asia includes conceptual framework of the legal regulatory structure of bilateral and multilateral cooperation.

The second stage is characterized by the realization of a number of joint projects in the field of transport communications, democratic transformations, regional security and stability.

The third stage of the relations is determined by acquiring of special geographical significance of the region of Central Asia resulting from the engagement of the International Security Assistance Force in Afghanistan in 2001.

The fourth stage has begun in 2015 with the adoption of the EU Strategy for a New Partnership with Central Asia for 2017-2021.

These studies serve as a basis for developing some important proposals and recommendations for the improvement of the effectiveness of cooperation between the parties.

В статье рассматриваются лексические и фразеологические средства, используемые в высказываниях спикеров в рамках регулярных пресс-конференций Министерства иностранных дел КНР. ; This article examines the statements of speakers at regular press conferences of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People's Republic of China, analyzes the lexical and phraseological means used in these speeches, identifies the links between them, the national and cultural traditions and the political course of the country's leadership.

In this article, the author attempts to determine the strategic directions of Romania's foreign policy. Significant geopolitical events in Europe expose the need to clarify the priorities of the policy pursued by the country. Historically in foreign relations Romania has employed diplomatic strategies that allowed it, according to historians, to «anoeuvre» between the centres of power on the international arena. However, in the early 2000's a departure from this tradition has become apparent, especially during the administration of Traian Basescu (2004–2014), which also coincided with the country's joining NATO in 2004 and EU in 2007. After the collapse of the socialist bloc Romania set its priorities, firstly, in the direction of joining both NATO and EU and later bringing the country in accordance with their norms and standards was put high on the agenda. Having become a member of the Alliance and an EU-state, Romania has been determining its foreign policy from the point of view of synchronizing its strategic goals with those of NATO and EU. Along with this, the strategic partnership with the US and the attached to it significant importance for Romania dictate the one-sided political approach deprived of the traditional manoeuvre capability in foreign affairs. This is also proven by the fact that despite the declared and established privileged relations with a number of countries, the level of their "strategic" execution is very low in reality. That being said, the direction of the relations between Romania and the Russian Federation, whose views on many regional and international issues differ, are likely to be greatly influenced by the state of the Russia-West affairs. Having analyzed the historic and current aspects of Romania's foreign policy, the author determines the preservation of the euroatlanticism course as the main direction of the development of the foreign policy of Romania. ; В статье автором определены стратегические направления внешней политики Румынии. Актуализирует интерес к уточнению приоритетов политики страны серьёзные геополитические по своей значимости события в Европе. Исторически Румыния в своей внешнеполитической деятельности применяла дипломатические методы, позволяющие ей, как отмечают историки, «лавировать» между центрами сил на международной арене. Однако к началу 2000-х годов намечается отход от данной традиции, особенно проявившийся в период президентства Т. Бэсеску (2004 - 2014 гг.), который совпадает с периодом вступления страны в НАТО (2004 г.) и Европейский Союз (2007 г.). Румыния практически после распада социалистического блока рассматривала свое развитие, в начале, в рамках приоритетности интегрирования в НАТО и ЕС, в последующем, в рамках приоритетности приведения страны в соответствии с нормами и стандартами НАТО и ЕС. После вступления в евроатлантические структуры направления внешней политики определяются с точки зрения консолидации стратегических целей внешней политики страны с внешнеполитическими целями НАТО и ЕС. Наряду с этим, взаимодействие на уровне стратегического партнерства с Соединёнными Штатами, и придание данным отношениям исключительное для Румынии значение обуславливает одностороннюю внешнеполитическую ориентацию лишённую традиционной внешнеполитической маневренности. Подтверждением этому выступает и то, что, несмотря на декларирование и установление с рядом стран привилегированные отношения их «стратегическая» наполненность на практике очень низка. Исходя из этого, направленность развития отношений между Румынией и Российской Федерации, интересы которых уже сегодня намечают отличие по многим вопросам региональной и международной политики, предположительно будут зависеть от конъюнктурности отношений Россия—Запад. Таким образом, анализируя исторические и современные особенности внешней политики Румынии, а также международную ситуацию в целом автор констатирует сохранение евроатлантизма как главное направление внешней политики Румынии в перспективе.

В статье представлены материалы заседания секции "Политическая лингвистика и семиотика" на IX Всероссийском конгрессе политологов, который прошел 16-18 декабря 2021 г. в Москве. ; The article presents an overview of the meeting of the section "Political Linguistics and Semiotics" at the Ninth All-Russian Congress of Political Scientists, held on December 16-18, 2021 in Moscow, at the MGIMO of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Russia and at the Financial University under the Government of the Russian Federation.

The article analyzes the formation of a new foreign policy strategy of Saudi Arabia in conditions of the changing situation in the Middle East after the "Arab spring" and the "nuclear deal" with Iran. It is shown in the article that the instability of domestic policy and economic problems connected with oil price drop have influence on the foreign policy of Saudi Arabia. Struggle with Iran for domination in the region becomes the basis of its policy in the Middle East. The author notes that the complication of relations with the USA also greatly influences the foreign policy of Saudi Arabia. The Kingdom condemned the nuclear program agreement of Iran. Riyadh didn't manage to neutralize the growth of influence of Iran in Iraq, Lebanon, Syria and Yemen. Riyadh places a bet on B. Asad opponents support in the Syrian conflict aiming to strengthen its positions in the country and to dislodge Iran and Russia from it. Confrontation with Iran forced Saudi Arabia to interfere with the civil war in Yemen and to carry out a successful operation in Bahrein. The article shows the aspiration of Saudi Arabia to withhold Egypt, Jordan and a number of other countries of the region in the sphere of its foreign policy through financial aid to these countries. It is proved that the reasons of the conflict of Saudi Arabia with Iran were of economic, geopolitical and religious nature, and that Saudi Arabia aspired to strengthen its positions in the Middle East and East Africa. A great breakthrough was acquisition of two islands in the Red Sea from Egypt by Riyadh.

The paper studies the coverage of the activities of the anti-Bolshevik movement's foreign allies in the Civil War inRussia. As an example, foreign affairs withGreat Britainare considered. The research is based on the materials of «Siberian Herald» – the main official newspaper of the Provisional Siberian Government. The main scientists who studied this scientific field are: N. A. Glushchenko, I. P. Koldomasov, P. V. Nesterenko, E. Yu. Sergeyev But it should be noted that the image of the anti-bolshevik movement's allies was poorly covered in the periodicals. The paper explains the events of this period, and suggests the reasons whyGreat Britainwas only mentioned in positive contexts. Finally, the conclusion is made stating that receiving military aid was necessary for the Provisional Siberian Government. In view of this «Siberian Herald» wrote only positive pieces aboutGreat Britain. ; В статье рассматривается освещение деятельности союзников антибольшевистского движения в годы Гражданской войны в России на примере Великобритании. В качестве источника приводятся публикации из газеты «Сибирский вестник» – официального печатного органа Временного Сибирского правительства, находящегося в Омске. Основные учёные, поднимающие вопрос отображения образа союзников: Н. А. Глущенко, И. П. Колдомасов, П. В. Нестеренко, Е. Ю. Сергеев. Однако, непосредственно образ иностранных союзников в прессе времен Гражданской войны в России не получил должного освещения. Также в статье приводится характеристики данного периода, раскрывающие в каких условиях происходило формирование образа иностранного союзника, по какой причине, в публикациях «Сибирского вестника», все действия со стороны Великобритании преподносилась только в положительном аспекте. В заключении, автор делает вывод, что вопрос получения военной помощи от союзников стоял для Временного Сибирского правительства на первом месте, ввиду этого лишь положительные публикации о действиях союзников могли выйти в печать.

The article highlights the premises of cooperation and further development of relations between the Republic of Cuba and a number of key stakeholders in the global stage. The article analyzes the materials on this issue and reveals the trends in the country's position on the subject of economic, political, social and other types of cooperation.The article points out the prerequisites and ways of developing the Republic of Cuba foreign policy, with the participation of which positive results were achieved on a number of international issues, in particular on the issue of international conflicts in a number of countries. The article reviews the characteristics of relations between the United States of America and the Republic of Cuba, characteristic of the declared time period. The article focuses the reader's attention on such aspects as: the position of Cuba on key international issues, the signing of agreements with actors in international relations and the Cuba pivotal international interests.The article summarizes the positive dynamics of the relations development at the present stage with the countries of the Caribbean, African countries, as well as cooperation in the Asia-Pacific region in countries such China, which, in general, stresses of the growing influence of the Republic of Cuba at the world level. ; В статье освещены предпосылки установления и дальнейшего развития отношений между Республикой Куба и рядом основных игроков на мировой арене. В статье проанализированы материалы по данному вопросу и раскрыты тенденции положения страны по предмету экономического, политического, социального и других видов сотрудничества.Статья раскрывает предпосылки и пути развития внешней политики Республики Куба, с участием которой были достигнуты положительные результаты по ряду международных вопросов, в частности по проблеме международных конфликтов в ряде стран. Особое внимание в статье уделено особенностям отношений Соединенных Штатов Америки и Республики Куба, характерных для заявленного временного периода. Особое внимание уделено таким аспектам как: позиция Кубы по ключевым международным вопросам, подписание соглашений с акторами международных отношений и интересы Кубы на международной арене.Рассматривается положительная динамика развития отношений на современном этапе со странами Карибского бассейна, Африканских стран, а также сотрудничество в Азиатско-Тихоокеанском регионе в лице Китайской Народной Республики, что, в целом, говорит о росте влияния Республики Куба на мировом уровне.

Ключевые слова: СССР; Белорусская ССР; Европейская экономическая ко-миссия; хрущевская «оттепель»; международное экономическое сотрудничество; экономическая дипломатия; советская федерация; субъект советской федерации; субъект международных отношений; развивающиеся страны. = Key words: USSR; Byelorussian SSR; European Economic Commission; Khrushchev Thaw; international economic cooperation; economic diplomacy; Soviet Federation; subject of the Soviet Federation; subject of international relations; developing countries. ; На основе документов Архива МИД Республики Беларусь впервые в историографии осуществлено комплексное исследование деятельности Белорусской ССР в Европейской экономической комиссии в годы хрущевской «оттепели», когда внешнеполитическая активность республики значительно усилилась. Будучи субъектом международных отношений, она продолжала оставаться при этом субъектом советской федерации. Рассмотрено участие республики в сессиях ЕЭК и ее комитетов (по сельскому хозяйству, лесоматериалам, жилищному строительству, электроэнергии, газу, статистике), а также его результаты. Особое внимание уделено усилиям Минска по формированию института постоянного представителя БССР при Европейском отделении ООН, роли государственных структур, прежде всего внешнеполитического ведомства, и их отдельных представителей в развитии международного экономического сотрудничества. Раскрыт механизм принятия решений по вопросам отношений с ЕЭК на республиканском уровне и влияние на него общесоюзного руководства. Показаны место и роль ЕЭК в системе внешнеполитической деятельности БССР, определено значение этой структуры в деятельности республиканского МИД и международной активности других министерств и ведомств. На примере многосторонней дипломатии ЕЭК и участия в ней Белорусской ССР отражены особенности реализации принципа мирного сосуществования двух социально-политических систем в экономической сфере. Определены проблемы, сложности и результаты участия республики в ЕЭК в указанный период. Подчеркнуто, что членство БССР в комиссии имело прежде всего прагматический характер, который преобладал над пропагандистским, однако в условиях холодной войны и советской экономической системы потенциал международного сотрудничества в экономической сфере реализовывался далеко не в полной мере. ; For the first time in historiography, based on the documents of the Archive of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Belarus, a comprehensive study of the activities of the Byelorussian SSR in the Economic Commission for Europe during the Khrushchev Thaw, when the foreign policy activity of the re-public significantly increased, was conducted. Being a subject of international relations, the Byelorussian SSR at the same time continued to remain a subject of the Soviet Federation. The participation of the republic in the sessions of the ECE and its Committees (on agriculture, timber, housing, electricity, gas, statistics), as well as the evaluation of the results by the Board of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the republic, are considered. Particular attention is paid to the efforts of Minsk to form the institution of the Permanent Representative of the BSSR to the UN European Office, the role of government agencies, primarily the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and their individual representatives in the development of international economic cooperation. The decision-making mechanism on relations with the ECE at the republican level and the influence of the All-Union Center on it are disclosed. The place and role of the ECE in the system of the foreign policy of the BSSR are shown, the significance of the Commission in the activities of the republican Foreign Ministry and the international activity of other ministries and departments is determined. On the example of ECE multilateral diplomacy and the participation of the Byelorussian SSR, the particularities of the implementation of the principle of peaceful coexistence of two socio-political systems in the economic sphere are described. The problems, difficulties, and results of the republic's participation in the ECE during the specified period are considered. It was emphasized that the member-ship of the BSSR in the Commission was primarily pragmatic, which prevailed over the propaganda aspect, but in the conditions of the Cold War and the Soviet economic system, the potential of international cooperation in this area was far from being fully realized.

Modern political leverage from western countries to Russia allows researchers to use domestic historical experience of 1920-1940s. International isolation of Soviet Russia induced the search of different ways out, including making concessionary agreements with foreign entrepreneurs. Since 1921 concessionary agreements were made between Soviet Russia/USSR and Germany, England, USA, Japan, Norway, Poland, Austria, Italy, France, Persia, Denmark, Finland, Latvia, Holland, Sweden, Estonia, Lithuania, Turkey, China and Mongolia. Soviet economy began attracting private foreign capital.

At the end of the 1920s Soviet government set a course to liquidate private property. Share of concessionary enterprises in the national economy decreased. But despite the absence of any new concessionary agreements since 1929, concessionary affairs in USSR lasted till mid-1940 and only with Japan because of its deep political meaning.

The author analyzes Japan concessions' activity, such as "Kita Karafuto Koogio Kabusiki Kaisha" and "Kita Karafuto Sekio Kabusiki Kaisha" in 1930-1940s (pre- and World War II period), workers' socio-economic conditions, relations between Japanese concessioners and Soviet authorities. Permanent infringements of concessionary agreements by Japan concessioners including concessions workers' food and goods supply, price making, Soviet workers' housing provision and dismissal, meeting safety requirements were registered. However, neither Japan concessioners dissolve their enterprises nor Soviet authorities annulled concessionary agreements. The author concludes that originally in 1925 granting concessions to Japan businessmen in USSR was among the conditions of Japan government diplomatic recognition of USSR. Further Japan concessions in USSR were deterrent factor from Japan military invasion to the Russian Far East.