Suchergebnisse

ABSTRACT: Controversial constitutional and institutional reforms voted in May in parliament opened the way for President Gnassingbé to stand for a fourth and fifth term (2020 and 2030) because the law does not apply retroactively. The first local elections since more than 30 years resulted in the victory of the ruling party. Grand expectations of the opposition which had hoped for a fundamental change at least at the grassroots were again dashed. The human rights situation sharply deteriorated due to growing political and social tensions related to the prospects of the head of state running for a fourth term. Islamist terrorist violence spread from Mali to the northern frontier region of Togo. The autonomous deep-water port of Lomé developed as a growth pole and hub for the sub-region. China became the major partner beside the established partners the EU, France and Germany. The informal sector still dominated the economy. Economic freedom remained with the overall status 'mostly unfree'. ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ RÉSUMÉ: Des réformes constitutionnelles et institutionnelles controversées votées en mai au Parlement ont ouvert la voie au président Gnassingbé pour se présenter aux quatrième et cinquième mandats (2020 et 2030) car la loi ne s'applique pas rétroactivement. Les premières élections locales depuis plus de 30 ans ont abouti à la victoire du parti au pouvoir. Les grandes attentes de l'opposition qui avait espéré un changement fondamental au moins à la base ont de nouveau été déçues. La situation des droits de l'homme s'est fortement détériorée en raison des tensions politiques et sociales croissantes, liées aux perspectives d'un quatrième mandat du chef de l'État. La violence terroriste islamiste s'est propagée du Mali à la région frontalière nord du Togo. Le port autonome en eau profonde de Lomé s'est développé comme un pôle de croissance et un hub pour la sous-région. La Chine est devenue le principal ...

ABSTRACT: Controversial constitutional and institutional reforms voted in May in parliament opened the way for President Gnassingbé to stand for a fourth and fifth term (2020 and 2030) because the law does not apply retroactively. The first local elections since more than 30 years resulted in the victory of the ruling party. Grand expectations of the opposition which had hoped for a fundamental change at least at the grassroots were again dashed. The human rights situation sharply deteriorated due to growing political and social tensions related to the prospects of the head of state running for a fourth term. Islamist terrorist violence spread from Mali to the northern frontier region of Togo. The autonomous deep-water port of Lomé developed as a growth pole and hub for the sub-region. China became the major partner beside the established partners the EU, France and Germany. The informal sector still dominated the economy. Economic freedom remained with the overall status 'mostly unfree'. ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ RÉSUMÉ: Des réformes constitutionnelles et institutionnelles controversées votées en mai au Parlement ont ouvert la voie au président Gnassingbé pour se présenter aux quatrième et cinquième mandats (2020 et 2030) car la loi ne s'applique pas rétroactivement. Les premières élections locales depuis plus de 30 ans ont abouti à la victoire du parti au pouvoir. Les grandes attentes de l'opposition qui avait espéré un changement fondamental au moins à la base ont de nouveau été déçues. La situation des droits de l'homme s'est fortement détériorée en raison des tensions politiques et sociales croissantes, liées aux perspectives d'un quatrième mandat du chef de l'État. La violence terroriste islamiste s'est propagée du Mali à la région frontalière nord du Togo. Le port autonome en eau profonde de Lomé s'est développé comme un pôle de croissance et un hub pour la sous-région. La Chine est devenue le principal ...

ABSTRACT & RÉSUMÉ & ZUSAMMENFASSUNG: Controversial constitutional and institutional reforms voted in May 2019 in parliament opened the way for President Gnassingbé to stand for a fourth and fifth term because the law does not apply retroactively. In February 2020, the President won again the disputed presidential elections and thus consolidated his power, assisted by the loyal army and security services. The outbreak of the Corona epidemic in Togo in March and the subsequent economic recession may have contributed to limit popular protest against the Gnassingbé regime. The human rights record of the government has improved, but remains poor. Yet, the international community followed a 'laissez faire' approach in the interests of regional stability. The economy dropped into recession due to the worldwide economic negative effects of the corona-crisis. The democracy index of the Economic Intelligence Unit, London, still rated Togo as an 'authoritarian regime'. --- RÉSUMÉ: Les réformes constitutionnelles et institutionnelles controversées votées en mai 2019 au Parlement ont ouvert la voie au président Gnassingbé pour se présenter pour un quatrième et un cinquième mandat parce que la loi ne s'applique pas rétroactivement. En février 2020, le président a remporté à nouveau les élections présidentielles disputées et a ainsi consolidé son pouvoir, assisté par l'armée fidèle et les services de sécurité. Le déclenchement de l'épidémie de Corona au Togo en mars et la récession économique qui a suivi a peut-être contribué à limiter les protestations populaires contre le régime de Gnassingbé. Le bilan du gouvernement en matière de droits de l'homme s'est amélioré, mais reste médiocre. Pourtant, la communauté internationale a suivi une approche de «laissez-faire» dans l'intérêt de la stabilité régionale. L'économie est entrée en récession en raison des effets négatifs économiques mondiaux de la crise corona. L'indice de démocratie de l'Economic Intelligence Unit, à Londres, classait toujours le Togo comme un «régime ...

President Faure Gnassingbé acted throughout the year from a position of strength, given the divided and weakened opposition. Overdue political and institutional reforms and local elections were postponed indefinitely. The human rights situation improved slightly, but the regime continued to be describable as 'authoritarian'. In view of the growing jihadi risk in the sub-region, the international donor community rewarded Togo's apparent political stability as an anchor of security in West Africa with a substantial increase in development aid. With promising growth prospects, low inflation and an absence of major external shocks, the government was able to improve the macroeconomic situation. Resumé: Le président Faure Gnassingbé a agi tout au long de l'année à partir d'une position de force, face à l'opposition divisée et affaiblie. Les réformes politiques et institutionnelles en retard et les élections locales ont été reportées indéfiniment. La situation des droits de l'homme s'est légèrement améliorée, mais le régime a continué à être décrit comme «autoritaire». Compte tenu du risque croissant du jihad dans la sous-région, la communauté internationale des donateurs a récompensé la stabilité politique apparente du Togo comme ancrage de la sécurité en Afrique de l'Ouest avec une augmentation substantielle de l'aide au développement. Avec des perspectives de croissance prometteuses, une inflation faible et une absence de chocs externes majeurs, le gouvernement a été en mesure d'améliorer la situation macroéconomique.

The short-term 'reign' of the United States as leader of the world, policeman of the world, is being seriously challenged not only by pundits all over the world but by even political scientists and analysts in the United States itself. In fact, many are seriously opining that the United States is in decline—that it has lost its sense of direction, has taken itself too seriously, and has led the world for its own profit and well-being while disregarding the realities of other nations and peoples. The article attempts to trace the reasons for this sudden reversal of popularity of the DisUnited States of America.

Former editor of Berita Harian, who rose to become head of Mendaki, and then Senior Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, Zainul Abidin Rasheed, tells DNA how his experiences during the 1964 racial riots had shaped his political views. He recalls how Lee Kuan Yew retracted from closing down Nanyang University, and Mr Goh Chok Tong's consensual style that welcomes the contributions of the Association of Muslim Professionals.

In this thesis I analyze the adaptation of the Ministry for Foreign Affairs of Finland (UM) to the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) since Finnish membership in the EU in 1995. I conceive adaptation to the CFSP as one specific dimension of a broader process of change and adaptation to European integration in foreign ministries, i.e. Europeanization. I start from two crucial assumptions: first, I assume that foreign ministries are able to adapt to a changing 'environment'; second, I assume that the CFSP might represent a sufficient trigger of Europeanization. This thesis is designed as a theory-oriented case study. Data derive from secondary and primary sources, as well as interview material. A crucial method of data collection is elite interviewing. Michael Smith's analytical framework for the study of the domestic impact of the CFSP represents the theoretical starting point of this thesis. The general independent variable for is CFSP membership, the dependent variables is change and adaptation in foreign ministries. I adopt two different complementary perspectives on the CFSP: first, I conceptualize the CFSP as a structure of opportunities. In this view, the CFSP is able to redistribute resources in the domestic political system. I hypothesize that a CFSP-triggered redistribution of resources might benefit foreign ministries in general and in particular those branches of a foreign ministry's organization mostly involved with the policy. Second, I conceptualize the CFSP as a normative regime, as a system of norms, rules, identities and ideas. Following this perspective, the hypothesis is that the CFSP might transform the organization and the institutional culture of the ministry. The former view of the CFSP is rooted in a rationalist account of Europeanization; the second, in a constructivist approach. The main finding is that the CFSP has indeed impacted on the UM. The CFSP as a structure of opportunities has benefited the Ministry. The policy has contributed to a partial reassertion of the UM's role in the Finnish executive. There is also partial evidence that the CFSP has led to differential gains in the Ministry. Moreover, the CFSP has led to changes in the formal and informal organization of the UM. The Ministry has learned the value of supranational political cooperation. Yet, both bureaucratic adaptation and socialization, or norms internalization, appear as rather limited phenomena in the Finnish case. The Ministry has been Europeanized yet not radically transformed by EU level political cooperation. Key words: Europeanization, Ministry for Foreign Affairs of Finland, CFSP, diplomacy

Testimony issued by the General Accounting Office with an abstract that begins "Pursuant to a congressional request, GAO discussed the Department of State's efforts to improve the foreign affairs community's information technology infrastructure, focusing on: (1) State's efforts to implement the Overseas Presence Advisory Panel's recommendations; and (2) the challenges and risks it will face as it proceeds."

International diplomacy has long been regarded as the domain of an elite hand-picked few, instructed and groomed in something considered an art form. Both the secrecy and the pomp have their rational place. Political interventions from regime change through to more standard economic and social challenges cue both subtle and dramatic shifts in relationships and alignments and diplomats must rightly handle such situations with great delicacy. Premature or too much public disclosure about diplomatic exchanges could risk undermining the mutual trust and confidence on which the conduct of international relations and negotiations depends. The question of course concerns the determination of what constitutes 'premature' or 'too much' and who decides the point at which public access can or should occur. We have certainly seen a trend towards greater transparency in foreign affairs in recent times, but this will always remain one of the most sensitive areas for national governments and international organisations. Contributors to this publication pose important questions about transparency in the context of foreign affairs at EU level. The question 'How much is enough?' is particularly pertinent. I welcome the exploration of topics of secrecy and transparency in this thematic issue and look forward to further contributions as the theory and practice of the ideas put forward are developed.

Considers (84) H.R. 8788. ; Considers legislation to establish a Foreign Affairs Advisory Board to assist the President in the formation of U.S. foreign policy. ; Record is based on bibliographic data in CIS US Congressional Committee Hearings Index. Reuse except for individual research requires license from Congressional Information Service, Inc. ; Indexed in CIS US Congressional Committee Hearings Index Part VI ; Considers (84) H.R. 8788. ; Considers legislation to establish a Foreign Affairs Advisory Board to assist the President in the formation of U.S. foreign policy. ; Mode of access: Internet.

This report contains information on federal appropriations for the fiscal year 2007 in the area of defense, foreign affairs, and related subjects.

This report contains information on federal appropriations for the fiscal year 2007 in the area of defense, foreign affairs, and related subjects.

Reuse of record except for individual research requires license from Congressional Information Service, Inc. ; "Jan. 2, 1974." ; CIS Microfiche Accession Numbers: CIS 74 H383-33 ; CIS Index 1974. ; Microfiche. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Representation on the international stage and the ideological support of power remain the main functions of the Belarusian Parliament in 2015. The National Assembly continues to move in the direction of foreign policy which is defined by the Presidential Administration. Together with the attempts of the official Minsk to resolve the relationship with Western capitals, Belarusian MPs intensify their contacts with European MPs. Feeble attempts of deputies to perform their main function in the legislative process through participation in initiating laws are still not welcomed by the Presidential Administration. The Belarusian Parliament may only correct decisions of the government and those of the Presidential Administration. At the beginning of the year there was a significant reshuffle in the upper house of the Parliament. As a result of the appointment of the former Prime Minister Mikhail Myasnikovich to the post of the Speaker of the Council of the Republic the presence of this state institution in the public space significantly increased. However, the functions and the role of the chamber of territorial representation in the Belarusian political system have not changed. The price of staying in the Council for big business is reviewed and enhanced. Trends: • Some attempts of MPs to participate in the legislative process through the initiation of legislation are constrained by the presidential administration; • Belarusian parliamentarians demonstrated willingness to negotiate on issues of concern to expand contacts with their Western colleagues; • Belarusian authorities are trying to create additional inter-parliamentary bodies in the former Soviet Union to advance their economic interests on the Russian market; • Senators engaged in big business are driven out of the upper house of the Parliament as a result of corruption scandals.

At head of title: 92d Congress, 2d session. Committee print. ; Mode of access: Internet.