Suchergebnisse

The author analyses the selected aspects of capitalism in the countries of Central Europe. The author presents the various theoretical concepts that refer to the issue in question involving the concept coined by L. King and I. Szelenyi, which holds that the systemic changes in the countries of this region are specifically characterised by the perspective of 'from without' capitalism. They believe that the specificity of the capitalist system lies in the fact that in the key times of the post-communist changes of the political system, the issue of the absence of an important class of private owners was not addressed. In the West private proprietors were the ones that constituted the main driving force of an open-market economy. The article presents the advantages and drawbacks of an economic model formed by the dominant share of foreign capital, with an emphasis placed on the consequences of the issue in question on the limitations of the subjectivity of economic policy of a state as well as the development chances of local businesses. It manifests the fears that the model created in Poland (and in other countries of the region) after the year 1989 sets the role model for local enterprises of corporate subcontractors of mainly traditional or niche products and services.

Importance of military power has been limited after the cold-war. Range of military instrument underwent gradual broadening. Significant influence on this situation has been exerted by both new technology and new armament systems but also by the growth of non-state actors.The latest actors are more threat to the societies than to states. This problem has affected a form of utilization of military instrument in foreign policy of states.The article includes analysis of notion "military instrument". Forms of implementation of military instruments in foreign policy of states has been characterized also. Two hypotheses are subject of verification. The first, forms of implementation of military instruments of foreign policies of states are dynamic process and they undergo gradual widening. The second, although indirect forms of implementation of military instruments predominate, however, it appear new possibilities of direct use of military instruments in low intensity conflicts, i.e. below threshold of war. ; Znaczenie siły militarnej po zakończeniu zimnej wojny zostało ograniczone. Jednocześnie zakres instrumentów militarnych ulegał stopniowemu rozszerzeniu. Znaczący wpływ na zaistniałą sytuację wywarł rozwój technologiczny i wprowadzanie nowych systemów uzbrojenia oraz wzrost znaczenia podmiotów niepaństwowych, które stanowią zagrożenie, w większym stopniu dla społeczeństw, niż samych państw. Kwestia ta przełożyła się na formę wykorzystania instrumentu militarnego w polityce zagranicznej państw.Niniejszy artykuł zawiera analizę pojęcia "instrument militarny". Scharakteryzowane zostaną także formy wykorzystania instrumentu militarnego w polityce zagranicznej państwa. W niniejszym artykule poddano weryfikacji dwie hipotezy. Po pierwsze, formy wykorzystania instrumentu militarnego polityki zagranicznej państwa są dynamicznym procesem i ulegają stopniowemu poszerzeniu. Po drugie, mimo iż dominują pośrednie formy wykorzystania instrumentu militarnego, to jednak pojawiają się nowe możliwości, w tym związane z bezpośrednim użyciem sił zbrojnych o niskiej intensywności, tj. poniżej progu wojny.

The Three Seas Initiative (TSI) constitutes a project involving the
cooperation of twelve European countries. Poland and Croatia, the founders of the TSI, are especially active in this respect. Even though Hungary seems the closest political ally of Poland, the country rarely participates in TSI actions. In addition, when pursuing its politics, Hungary remains in contradiction to the principles of the TSI- chiefly regarding energy policies. The paper aims to offer answers to questions concerning the significance of the TSI in Hungary's foreign affairs policies and the country's perception of such a form of cooperation in Europe.

Bliskie stosunki polsko-amerykańskie mają wpływ na określanie celów polskiej polityki zagranicznej, a także na dobór środków i metod tej polityki. Stosunki Polski z USA sprowadzają się głównie do kwestii bezpieczeństwa. W latach 90. widoczny był prymat środków polityczno-dyplomatycznych a Polska stopniowo stosowała strategię bandwagoning w stosunkach z USA. Z biegiem czasu ta strategia prowadziła do utożsamiania naszych interesów narodowych z interesami Stanów Zjednoczonych. To skłoniło Polskę do bezwarunkowego wsparcia interwencji wojskowej USA w Iraku oraz do udziału w wojnie w Afganistanie. Coraz wyraźniej, Polska zaczęła reprezentować oparte na realistycznym paradygmacie rozumienie bezpieczeństwa i preferowanie zasobów i instrumentów wojskowych, własnych, koalicyjnych (natowskich) i amerykańskich. Stosunki polsko-amerykańskie mają zasadniczy wpływ także na pozycję i role międzynarodowe Polski, wśród których wyróżnia się rola satelity USA. ; Close Polish-American relations have an impact on shaping the objectives of Poland's foreign policy, as well as the choice of methods and measures used in this policy. Polish relations with the United States boil down mainly to security issues. The 1990s witnessed the visible primacy of political and diplomatic measures, and Poland gradually applied a bandwagoning strategy in relations with the United States. Over time, this strategy has led to the identification of our national interests with the interests of the United States. This prompted Poland to unconditionally support the US military intervention in Iraq,and to participate in the war in Afghanistan. More and more clearly, Poland began to present – based on a realistic paradigm – an understanding of security and a preference for military resources and instruments, whether its own, the coalition's (NATO) or the US's. Polish-American relations have a major impact also on the position and international roles of Poland, with the role as a US satellite standing out.

Bliskie stosunki polsko-amerykańskie mają wpływ na określanie celów polskiej polityki zagranicznej, a także na dobór środków i metod tej polityki. Stosunki Polski z USA sprowadzają się głównie do kwestii bezpieczeństwa. W latach 90. widoczny był prymat środków polityczno-dyplomatycznych, a Polska stopniowo stosowała strategię bandwagoning w stosunkach z USA. Z biegiem czasu ta strategia prowadziła do utożsamiania naszych interesów narodowych z interesami Stanów Zjednoczonych. To skłoniło Polskę do bezwarunkowego wsparcia interwencji wojskowej USA w Iraku oraz do udziału w wojnie w Afganistanie. Coraz wyraźniej Polska zaczęła reprezentować oparte na realistycznym paradygmacie rozumienie bezpieczeństwa i preferowanie zasobów i instrumentów wojskowych, własnych, koalicyjnych (natowskich) i amerykańskich. Stosunki polsko-amerykańskie mają zasadniczy wpływ także na pozycję i role międzynarodowe Polski, wśród których wyróżnia się rola satelity USA. ; Close Polish-American relations have an impact on shaping the objectives of Poland's foreign policy, as well as the choice of methods and measures used in this policy. Polish relations with the United States boil down mainly to security issues. The 1990s witnessed the visible primacy of political and diplomatic measures, and Poland gradually applied a bandwagoning strategy in relations with the United States. Over time, this strategy has led to the identification of our national interests with the interests of the United States. This prompted Poland to unconditionally support the US military intervention in Iraq, and to participate in the war in Afghanistan. More and more clearly, Poland began to present – based on a realistic paradigm – an understanding of security and a preference for military resources and instruments, whether its own, the coalition's (NATO) or the US's. Polish-American relations have a major impact also on the position and international roles of Poland, with the role as a US satellite standing out.

The aim of the paper is to analyze how Europeanization is used as an instrument of the European Union's foreign policy in the field of promoting democracy in the world. This fi rst requires an indication that all EU activities, including its relations with the international environment, are based on specific normative foundations. They include the so-called European values regarding, generally speaking, the promotion of democracy and broadly
understood human rights, as well as strengthening peace in international relations. "European values" are not only political and ideological guidelines, but also legal norms enshrined in EU treaties, so the promotion of democracy is one of the basic goals of the EU's foreign policy. Analysis of the EU's promotion of democracy requires the presentation of the main categories used to study this issue, i.e. showing what is understood by Europeanization, as well as by the associated concepts of democratization and socialization. Then mechanisms of europeanization are examined, as well as its results and evaluation of its effectiveness is provided. In this respect the case study is very helpful, in that it examines the results of
Europeanization in relation to the EU partner countries covered by the Eastern Partnership. The paper ends with fi nal remarks constituting a summary of the studied issues.

The article aims to observe the purpose and subject of "public policy sciences" from the perspective of living space. The role of housing policy and settlement in this respect is at the core of the paper reasoning. It requires reflection on the relationships of social, housing and settlement policies, and their location on the background of other elements and disciplines of social sciences in the context of living. Public policy relations of a systemic, political, economic and social character, as well as of natural and ecological one, which complement the concept of sustainable development, are also discussed. This concept focused more than ever on a fair and decent habitation of successive generations, by substantially increasing the role of housing and settlement policy, highlights that the aim and subject of "the public policy sciences" is the living space.

During recent transformations of Polish economy the foreign trade is supposed to answer a purpose of acting in favour of acceleration and lowering the costs of development. The diagnosis of the situation indicates a series of disquieting phenomenons such as disbalancing of commercial balance, lowering in export profitability, unfavourable wares structure in foreign exchange and high indebtedness abroad. Hence the tasks for Polish foreign trade policy must focus on the need of rising the competitiveness of export and diminishing import share in the volume of trade. The above task is feasible within the framework of strategy aimed at accelerated development of export and mild reduction of import. In the case of protection policy the point is to determine the scope of the protection and to make a choice of protective means for home market. Lack of perfection in functioning of market mechanisms in present Polish economy justifies today mild kind of protection policy with additionally some rigour builtin the whole of the system. Less efficiency in traditional protective means (custom duties, rates of exchange) suggests appealing to other more selective means (anti-dumping and anti-subventionning procedures, agreements and standards relating to goods quality as well as restructural clause). As far as rates of exchange policy is concerned the basic dilemma is the choice of the kind of the rate. Functional reorientation of the rate of exchange is justified because of disbalanced commercial balance: the range of oscillation should be enlarged and steady monthly devaluation - eliminated; the result should be more importance of reaction on external balance. Main conclusion is the constatation of the need for elaboration of long-term policy in Polish foreign trade - including clearly defined tasks and means to realize them. This shall permit to get optimal the process of solving the dilemmas emerging with more intensity during transformation of the economy. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

This article provides a scientific reflection on the need for considering the issue of new technologies and their development in contemporary social policy in Poland. The article focuses on three selected areas of social policy, which are most intensively influenced by the development of new technologies: labor market policies, education policies, and telecare, including some elements of senior policies. The publication initiates further discussion on the current challenges and dilemmas faced by social policymakers. It corresponds to the specific experiences of the COVID-19 pandemic related to intensified, technologically mediated forms of communication and remote forms of using social services. It argues that rapid development of new technologies changes the goals and ways of putting social policies into practice. Drawing on theoretical assumptions of technological determinism and new institutionalism, the article aims to conclude that adequate institutional and legislative changes should be the consequence of technological changes and they should lead to greater compatibility of systemic solutions with citizens' everyday practice.

The article's objective is to analyse the process of Europeanisation of Greek foreign policy towards North Macedonia. The author has attempted to present the main conceptual assumptions regarding this process, pointing to the multiplicity of definitions and research directions, and has subsequently highlighted the evolution of Greek foreign policy towards North Macedonia in the context of the Europeanisation of Greek diplomacy. In the conclusions, the author has emphasised that this particular Europeanisation is somewhat sinusoidal and is conditioned upon a number of factors, including the nature of relations between the Greek political elites and the society of that country. The article has also highlighted that Greece has gradually been shaping its image as a Europeanised country with a credible and predictable foreign policy.

The last decades saw Turkey evolving from its Cold War era model of foreign relations, when it was the bastion of the West in the region, which involved alliance with the US and Israel. Following the doctrine of Ahmed Davutoĝlu, a theoretician of the Islamic Justice and Development Party (AKP), which rose to power in 2002, Turkey opened to the neighbouring states, striving to become a regional power by diplomatic rather than military means and through cultural and economic incentives. Both the internal and international actions of AKP governments were initially successful, and Turkey with its version of Islamic democracy was considered a model during the Arab Spring and a sound counterbalance to such countries as Iran. However, Turkey's bid to join the EU was stalled, and its approach to the civil war in Syria as well as other issues has been heavily criticized both in the West and in the region. The internal tensions are growing too, as the government has failed to recognize the rights of large minority groups, particularly the Kurds and the Alevi, which may threaten the integrity of the country.

The last decades saw Turkey evolving from its Cold War era model of foreign relations, when it was the bastion of the West in the region, which involved alliance with the US and Israel. Following the doctrine of Ahmed Davutoĝlu, a theoretician of the Islamic Justice and Development Party (AKP), which rose to power in 2002, Turkey opened to the neighbouring states, striving to become a regional power by diplomatic rather than military means and through cultural and economic incentives. Both the internal and international actions of AKP governments were initially successful, and Turkey with its version of Islamic democracy was considered a model during the Arab Spring and a sound counterbalance to such countries as Iran. However, Turkey's bid to join the EU was stalled, and its approach to the civil war in Syria as well as other issues has been heavily criticized both in the West and in the region. The internal tensions are growing too, as the government has failed to recognize the rights of large minority groups, particularly the Kurds and the Alevi, which may threaten the integrity of the country.

Artykuł wydano na licencji Commons CC-BY-NC-ND 3.0 Polska i został dodany do repozytorium przez przedstawiciela redakcji. ; Przedmiotowy artykuł poświęcony jest przedstawieniu organizacji i funkcjonowania organów państwa szwajcarskiego prowadzących politykę zagraniczną. Omawia podstawy konstytucyjne prowadzenia polityki zagranicznej przez parlament federalny, rząd federalny (ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem Departamentu Spraw Zagranicznych) oraz zadania szwajcarskich misji dyplomatycznych. Ponadto ukazuje cele, polityki i maksyma współczesnej polityki zagranicznej Konfederacji Szwajcarskiej. ; The article is devoted to the presentation of the organisation and operation of the Swiss authorities of the Member State carrying out foreign policy. Discusses the constitutional basis of conducting foreign policy by the Federal Parliament, the Federal Government (with particular reference to the Department of Foreign Affairs) and the tasks of the Swiss diplomatic missions. In addition, it shows the objectives, policies and maxim of modern foreign policy of the Swiss Confederation. ; Artur Potocki

The main goal of the article is to present to Polish readers the most important information about one of the newer theories of the public policy process - Narrative Policy Framework (NPF). The NPF assumes that public policy narratives play a fundamental role in the public policy process. These are strategically constructed stories about the causes and solutions to public policy problems. Actors use narratives to achieve their goals, for example, implementing policies closest to their preferences. On the example of the government's "Good start" ("Dobry start" in Polish) program, the article presents practical applications of the NPF at the micro, meso, and macro levels.

Abstract: Foreign policy analysis (FPA), recognized as a sub-discipline of international relations, focused on explaining foreign policy or, alternatively, on the processes and behaviors in the framework of this policy. FPA is characterized by an actor-specific focus, based upon the argument that all that occurs between nations and across nations is grounded in human decision-makers acting singly or in groups. Explication of the process and the behavior of decision-makers may need to reach categories and tools developed within other disciplines. The main aim of the paper is to identify the emphasis of interdisciplinary research especially in the perspective adopted by the author of the individual level of analysis of foreign policy. The use of tools and categories relevant to the study of political leadership and political psychology, may allow, more than ever, verifiability of assertions in the study of foreign policy. ; Analiza polityki zagranicznej ujmowana jako subdyscyplina stosunków międzynarodowych albo alternatywnie wyodrębniony obszar badawczy koncentruje się na wyjaśnianiu polityki zagranicznej, nawiązując do teoretycznych założeń i twierdzeń na temat ludzkich zachowań jednostek. Eksplikacja zachowań i decyzji decydentów podejmowanych w ramach polityki zagranicznej może wymagać sięgnięcia do kategorii i narzędzi wypracowanych w ramach innych dyscyplin. Celem artykułu jest wskazanie interdyscyplinarności badań, zwłaszcza przy przyjętej przez autorkę perspektywie jednostkowego poziomu analizy polityki zagranicznej. Zastosowanie narzędzi i kategorii właściwych studiom nad przywództwem politycznym, a także psychologii politycznej może umożliwić większą niż dotychczas weryfikowalność twierdzeń w badaniach nad polityką zagraniczną.