Suchergebnisse

En un ejercicio poco usual, Ecuador fijó en noviembre de 2006 un Plan Nacional de Política Exterior de largo plazo (hasta el 2020) después de un proceso democrático de diálogo y consultas con los más diversos sectores políticos, sociales y locales para identificar sus aspiraciones e intereses y proyectarlos al mundo competitivo y desafiante en que vivimos. El proceso que contempló talleres, seminarios y conferencias se desarrolló durante diez meses fijó en un documento guía los principios, los objetivos y los lineamientos estratégicos de la política exterior ecuatoriana. Estableció consensos básicos que existen en la sociedad y describió el escenario internacional actual y lo que previsiblemente será en el futuro. Con este documento se busca que la política exterior del Ecuador sea una política de Estado que trascienda la temporalidad de los gobiernos y logre credibilidad y certeza. ; In an unusual practice, Ecuador established, on November 2006, a long-term (until 2020) National Foreign Policy Plan, after completeing a democratic process of dialogue and consultations with the most diverse social and local political sectors, which openly identified and shared Ecuador's aspirations and interests to the rest of the competitive and defiant world in which we live. The ten month process, which included workshops, seminars and conferences, established in one document a guide to Ecuadors foreign policy principies, objectives and strategies. It also established a basic consensus which are existent in the society and described the current international situation and what its predictions of what the future might be. The purpose of this document was to créate a ecuadorian foreign policy plan from the State that would trascend the precarious effects of temporary character of the governments in order to gain credibility and certainty.

The internationalization of Colombian conflict with the setting up of Plan Colombia by Andrés Pastrana, then maintained by Álvaro Uribe, increased foreign policy fragmentation and confusion in the conduct of the country's foreign relations. Three arguments are analyzed: first, Plan Colombia intensified the presidential conduct of diplomatic relations and the fragmentation of foreign relations, and made the role of the Foreign Ministry weaker than before. Second, Plan Colombia made relations with USA more complex and diminished and to some extent worsened Colombia's relations with the European Union and most of its members. And finally, Plan Colombia stimulated the international participation of non-state actors, especially non-government organizations, who started to do a parallel diplomacy in Washington and in Brussels. The presidency of Andrés Pastrana and the first presidency of Álvaro Uribe will be examined within the geographic triangle of Colombia, the USA and Europe. ; La internacionalización del conflicto colombiano y la implementación del Plan Colombia, ambos sucesos instaurados por el gobierno del presidente Andrés Pastrana, y posteriormente, seguidos por la administración del presidente Álvaro Uribe incrementó el problema de la fragmentación de la política exterior y la confusión para conducir las relaciones exteriores del país. Tres argumentos son analizados: primero, el Plan Colombia intensificó la conducta presidencialista en las relaciones diplomáticas y la fragmentación de la política exterior, e hizo el rol del Ministerio de Relaciones más débil que antes. Segundo, el Plan Colombia hizo más complejas las relaciones con Estados Unidos y de alguna manera empeoro las relaciones del país con la Unión Europea y algunos de sus Estados miembros. Y finalmente, el Plan Colombia estimuló la participación internacional de los actores no estatales, especialmente las organizaciones no gubernamentales quienes empezaron a desarrollar una diplomacia paralela en Washington y en Bruselas. La presidencia de Andrés Pastrana y el primer mandato del presidente Álvaro Uribe son examinados en el marco del triángulo de Colombia, Estados Unidos y Europa.

The internationalization of Colombian conflict with the setting up of Plan Colombia by Andrés Pastrana, then maintained by Álvaro Uribe, increased foreign policy fragmentation and confusion in the conduct of the country's foreign relations. Three arguments are analyzed: first, Plan Colombia intensified the presidential conduct of diplomatic relations and the fragmentation of foreign relations, and made the role of the Foreign Ministry weaker than before. Second, Plan Colombia made relations with USA more complex and diminished and to some extent worsened Colombia's relations with the European Union and most of its members. And finally, Plan Colombia stimulated the international participation of non-state actors, especially non-government organizations, who started to do a parallel diplomacy in Washington and in Brussels. The presidency of Andrés Pastrana and the first presidency of Álvaro Uribe will be examined within the geographic triangle of Colombia, the USA and Europe. ; La internacionalización del conflicto colombiano y la implementación del Plan Colombia, ambos sucesos instaurados por el gobierno del presidente Andrés Pastrana, y posteriormente, seguidos por la administración del presidente Álvaro Uribe incrementó el problema de la fragmentación de la política exterior y la confusión para conducir las relaciones exteriores del país. Tres argumentos son analizados: primero, el Plan Colombia intensificó la conducta presidencialista en las relaciones diplomáticas y la fragmentación de la política exterior, e hizo el rol del Ministerio de Relaciones más débil que antes. Segundo, el Plan Colombia hizo más complejas las relaciones con Estados Unidos y de alguna manera empeoro las relaciones del país con la Unión Europea y algunos de sus Estados miembros. Y finalmente, el Plan Colombia estimuló la participación internacional de los actores no estatales, especialmente las organizaciones no gubernamentales quienes empezaron a desarrollar una diplomacia paralela en Washington y en Bruselas. La presidencia de Andrés Pastrana y el primer mandato del presidente Álvaro Uribe son examinados en el marco del triángulo de Colombia, Estados Unidos y Europa.

Issues for Oct. 5, 1925-Jan. 29, 1926 called series 1925-26, no. 1-8. ; Some vols. accompanied by supplements. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Absorbed by its Foreign policy bulletin Sept. 1951.

Agriculture has a critical significance for every country. Growing cereal, vegetable, fruit, animal breeding and fishery are some of the agricultural activities. First of all, it is important to mention that population is fed by agricultural activities. Raw materials are obtained through these activities. Employment is ensured for the citizens and foreign exchange income is ensured by exporting the goods. Per capita income increases through various agricultural activities. The basic goal of agricultural activities is to ensure sufficient and balanced nourishment of citizens. Agricultural policies that are determined according to the realities of Turkey will surely accelerate the development of the country. Agricultural activities should be the basic driving force of national development. Modern production methods in agriculture should be applied. Highly productive seeds should be used. Irrigated farming should be extended. Agricultural diseases and pesticides should be prevented. Marketing should be enhanced. Agriculture based food industries should be established and supported.

The study delves into the foreign policy plans of Alexei Navalny, the Russian politician who is currently commonly regarded as the most prominent opposition leader and the sole plausible alternative to Vladimir Putin. Drawing on his interviews, public speeches, media publications and electoral manifestos, the author analyses his foreign policy views alongside three topics, that is, Russia's policies towards disputed lands and states in the post-Soviet area (Crimea, Donbas, Abkhazia, South Ossetia, Transnistria), the country's foreign policy orientation and priorities (especially regarding relations with the West) and assessment of the Putin regime's foreign policy. Following this, the author speculates on the likely foundations of Russia's foreign policy under Navalny's possible presidency and their implications for the West.

Thomas Sowell said that "reality does not go away when it is ignored". The reality around Europe is changing rapidly, and EU foreign and security policy has to adapt to those changes. New security threats, power shifting from the Western world to Asia or from nation states to non-state actors, and the increasingly global character of all major challenges that Europe is to face in the next decade are forcing the EU to reform. This chapter sketches out a plan of reform around four topics: 1. Sources of European power; 2. Projection of European values; 3. European security: Comprehensive approach and strategic sovereignty; 4. Going beyond the neighbourhood – The EU as a truly global actor. These topics were chosen on the basis of public discussions during the Expert Forum held online by the European Liberal Forum in October 2020. The chapter is structured as follows. The first part briefly presents the current state of affairs, identifying major problems to be solved. The second part analyses three possible scenarios of EU foreign and security policy development—from sailing where the wind blows to executing fundamental changes in line with the liberal agenda. The final part outlines the set of policy recommendations for the preferred scenario of deep and far-reaching reforms.

Five year development plans prepared by the Ministry of Development, formerly known as State Planning Organization (SPO), are the main policy documents indicating the growth Turkey will realize in economic, social and cultural fields in the long term. Tourism is one of the elements to be considered in the development of a country. A country's tourism policy is first prepared in the development plans. While preparing the tourism policy, precautions towards all kinds of tourism activities are referred. The existing state of the tourism and the state it should be are given. Tourism activities are continuously diversifying. The purpose of this study is to reveal the tourism policies in the development plans, to determine the existing state of the tourism sector and the targets for future. Also, another purpose is to emphasize the problems the sector faces as well as possible problems that could arise in the future. Suggestions are given towards these problems .

Foreign Policy Association D.C. - Foreign Policy in the Coming Campaign

Abstract: This paper interrogates certain aspects of Eritrean foreign policy making processes since independence. It analyses Eritrea's actions in the region, ranging from constructive engagement to the country's various conflicts with all its regional neighbours, including the 1998-2000 war with Ethiopia, and Eritrea's wider global attempts at diplomatic and foreign policy engagement. The paper argues that while Eritrea's assertive and often rather un-diplomatic foreign policy overtures are partly to blame for the country's negative image as an international actor, any attempt at developing an independent foreign policy by Eritrea needs at the same time be understood within the wider context of the Horn of Africa and the Ethiopian ambition to act as and maintain the status as regional hegemon. Thus, Eritrean foreign policy objectives were always bound to run into problems once they diverged from Ethiopia's own interests. In addition, Ethiopia became an increasingly important actor in the global war on terror and its manifestations in the Horn of Africa, thus its interpretation of and intransigence over relations with Eritrea became the dominant representation of Eritrea as an inherently belligerent state. Such a reading ignores that ultimately Eritrea's foreign policy engagement asserts the right of every nation to defend its own interests in light of international law and global treaties, regardless of global power dynamics.

Faculty Showcase Archive Article ; Government officials around the country have been trying to understand and properly classify the use of drones outside of the battlefield. Recently, U.S. Senator Dianne Feinstein (D-CA) announced that she plans to introduce legislation designed to organize and expand a temporary ban on civilian drones. ; Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.

With the country's energy needs having increased rapidly due to the unprecedented economic growth, it's apparent that the energy security concerns have become important in influencing the thinking, formation and implementation of China's foreign policy. While this perceived energy insecurity has become an increasingly influencing factor in China's international behavior, it cannot be argued that the country's energy needs is the most important dimension in Beijing's foreign policy calculations. By employing every available tool at its disposal at the political level and by mobilizing the country's economic might and capacity at the financial and industrial levels, China pursues not only the establishment and advance of its political and economic ties with the resources-rich developing countries for energy security reasons, but also a growing presence in such countries. These movements should be seen in a multi-dimensional context, where the country's worldwide-expanding economic and political interests compete and interact with domestic political and social adjustments and balances.

The five-year development plans which are prepared by Ministry of Development, State Planning Organization (SPO) formerly, are the basic policy documents revealing the growth that Turkey will realize in economic, social and cultural fields in the long term. A country's energy policy is primarily identified in development plans. The elements such as the availability of energy sources, sustainability of resources, methods of production, distribution and consumption efficiency are should be noted. The objectives of this study can be described as revealing the preparations for development plans to be prepared for future periods specifically ones in area of energy policy, attention toexisting and potential problems and making recommendations for the sector by offering solutions to the problems identified.

Who decides what in Moscow? The answer is not always "Vladimir Putin". However, when explaining Russia's foreign policy, the consolidation of Putin's autocratic tendencies and his apparent stability despite many economic and political challenges have contributed – at least in the West – to an excessive "Putin-centrism" and the relative neglect of other agents of domestic politics. As a result, many facets of the country's foreign policy decisions are misunderstood or shrouded under a thin veil of vagueness and secrecy. This Report attempts to fill this gap, exploring the evolving distribution of political and economic power under the surface of Putin's leadership to assess the influence of different "lobbies" on Russia's foreign policy. All of the contributions in the volume underline the complexity of Russia's decision-making process beneath the surface of a monolithic and increasingly personalistic government.

Review of Foreign Policy V - Foreign Policy for the Americas