Suchergebnisse

Intro -- Obsah -- Úvod -- 1. Československo‑jugoslávské styky bezprostředně před zánikem Československa -- 1. 1. Československo‑jugoslávské vztahy v období řešení sudetské otázky -- 1. 2. Československo‑jugoslávské styky od konference v Mnichově do poloviny března 1939 -- 2. Jugoslávie a Protektorát Čechy a Morava -- 2. 1. Jugoslávské ohlasy na německou okupaci Čech a Moravy -- 2. 2. Protektorát Čechy a Morava z jugoslávského pohledu -- 2. 3. Československá emigrace v Jugoslávii -- 2. 4. Jugoslávsko‑česká hospodářská spolupráce pod dozorem Německa -- 2. 5. Postoj české menšiny na jugoslávském území k Protektorátu Čechy a Morava -- 2. 6. Jugoslávští studenti v Protektorátu Čechy a Morava -- 3. Slovensko‑jugoslávské styky -- 3. 1. Jugoslávské reakce na vznik samostatného Slovenska a navázání slovensko‑jugoslávských diplomatických vztahů -- 3. 2. Slovensko‑jugoslávské politické a diplomatické vztahy -- 3. 3. Postoj příslušníků slovenské menšiny v Jugoslávii vůči Slovensku -- 3. 4. Slovensko‑jugoslávská hospodářská spolupráce -- 3. 5. Pokusy o navázání slovensko‑jugoslávské kulturní spolupráce a školských styků -- 4. Česko‑slovensko‑jugoslávské styky bezprostředně před okupací Jugoslávie -- 4. 1. Česko‑jugoslávské kontakty začátkem roku 1941 -- 4. 2. Slovensko‑jugoslávské styky v prvních měsících roku 1941 -- 4. 3. Postoj československo‑exilových, protektorátních i slovenských orgánů k politickým rozhodnutím a změnám v Jugoslávii z 25. a 27. března 1941 -- 4. 4. Jugoslávsko‑česko‑slovenské styky za dubnové války 1941 -- Závěr -- Seznam zkratek -- Prameny a literatura -- Použité archivní fondy a sbírky -- Publikované dokumenty -- Periodika -- Dobová literatura a literatura memoárového charakteru -- Syntéze, encyklopedie, sborníky prací a monografie -- Studie a články -- Internetové zdroje -- Jmenný rejstřík -- Textová příloha.

Obálka -- Obsah -- Úvod -- I. Kořeny, východiska, zdroje -- 1. Strategický význam Ukrajiny -- 2. Krym v rusko-ukrajinských vztazích -- 3. Vnitřní zdroje ruské agrese -- 4. Ukrajina, ruský svět a eurasijská integrace -- II. Anatomie hybridního válčení -- 5. Anexe Krymu -- 6. Válka na východní Ukrajině -- 7. Zemní plyn jako nástroj hybridní války -- 8. Informace, dezinformace, propaganda -- 9. Utváření vlivových struktur v Evropě: případ Front national ve Francii -- III. Dopady, reakce, třetí aktéři -- 10. Sankční politika EU a USA -- 11. Americká debata o vyzbrojení Ukrajiny -- 12. NATO, ruské menšiny v Pobaltí a "narvský paradox" -- 13. Společenský a politický vývoj na Ukrajině po Revoluci důstojnosti -- 14. Válka, oligarchie a ukrajinský fotbal -- Závěr -- 15. Rusko-ukrajinská válka jako konflikt hodnot -- Summary -- Seznam tabulek a grafů -- Seznam zkratek -- Výběrová bibliografie -- Rejstřík

This paper aims to review the existing debate on the relations between national and European levels in the EU and identify existing gaps. It aims at showing the current compartelization of the academic debate and suggesting a possible remedy. It discusses the current trends in Europeanization studies and shows that one of the dimensions (bottom-up) remains understudied. Similarly, the concept has been applied in the area of foreign policy in a very limited way to the detriment of our understanding of reality. Following these findings, the article suggests, firstly, that the relationship between the adjustment to European integration and the ability to pursue one's interest should be studied, both in terms of form and results, and, secondly, that foreign policy should be included in this research framework. ; This paper aims to review the existing debate on the relations between national and European levels in the EU and identify existing gaps. It aims at showing the current compartelization of the academic debate and suggesting a possible remedy. It discusses the current trends in Europeanization studies and shows that one of the dimensions (bottom-up) remains understudied. Similarly, the concept has been applied in the area of foreign policy in a very limited way to the detriment of our understanding of reality. Following these findings, the article suggests, firstly, that the relationship between the adjustment to European integration and the ability to pursue one's interest should be studied, both in terms of form and results, and, secondly, that foreign policy should be included in this research framework.

The image of the social scientist as a stranger is well known. However, there are different approaches to the notion of the stranger in sociology. A comparison of Schutz's & Simmel's conceptions of the stranger enables us to distinguish two forms of fieldwork used in the project Transitional Processes. The social anthropological approach strives to avoid intrusive interventions into the research area. The so-called heuristic investigation uses intentional interventions. Both approaches bring some opportunities & threats especially in the case of cooperation with a scholar who is native to the studied locality. The local researcher can overstep his ethnocentrism thanks to the teamwork. On the other hand, collaboration with strangers may disrupt his loyalty to his ingroup.

The aim of the article is to otter a theoretically grounded explanation of the long-term continuity of Czech foreign policy. Czech foreign policy displays long-term continuity and consensus at the level of policy, but, at the same time, exhibits deep ideological differences among political and societal elites at the level of politics. The article argues against the mainstream (neo)liberal and (neo)realist theories that explain foreign policy outcomes in pure rationalist and materialist terms. Instead, the text follows the line of the critical constructivist school of International Relations and borrows heavily from post-structuralism. Thus, the article takes into account the ideational background of Czech foreign policy and argues that these deeply seated differences at the level of politics, stemming from mutually contradictory normative, philosophical and political beliefs, are subsequently neutralized by what is called the "hegemonic internationalist discourse". In this context, the article explores the origins, nature and consequences of the power of the hegemonic internationalist discourse. Adapted from the source document.

This study deals with the issue of development relations between China and Africa in the context of the Beijing concensus. It attempts to provide an analysis of Chinese foreign policy since the beginning of the 90's. The text is divided into three basic parts. The first contains discussion on the theories of development, including the main features of the (post)Washington concensus based on liberalism, decentralization and privatization, followed by the Beijing concensus representing the counter-paradigm. The second focuses on the historical roots of bilateral relations since the beginning of the 20th century until the end of the Cold War. TAZARA, the Tanzania-Zambia railway built by China is chosen as the most representative example of Chinese foreign policy during the Cold War period. The last part deals with current relations influenced by Chinese oil diplomacy and the so-called one-China policy. Sudan and Angola are chosen as significant examples of African states in which China is involved. Adapted from the source document.

This study deals with the phenomenon of paradiplomacy, or parallel diplomacy. Paradiplomacy refers to international activities of cities and regions and includes marketing and public diplomacy, cross-border cooperation, functional trans-border cooperation, cultural and educational cooperation, and other activities. Paradiplomacy developed in the last third of the 20th century as a result of economic globalization, state decentralization, nationalism and the strengthening of regional identity, European integration, and the internationalization of cultural, educational, environmental, transport and other topics labelled as "low politics". Thus, we can identify both economic and political foundations of paradiplomacy. The first part of the study presents a review of literature on paradiplomacy; the second part is a case study of foreign policy instituted by the City of Prague in the electoral term 2006-2010. This case study confirmed initial hypotheses: first, that paradiplomacy is influenced by three supra-national factors: economic globalization (a), regional and global political and economic regimes (b), and transnational networks, mainly based in the EU (c); second, that paradiplomacy is influenced by institutional and constitutional relations between the centre and regions; third, that paradiplomacy is influenced by the antagonistic nature of these relations. Adapted from the source document.

In this article its author wanted to treat the history and presence of the system constitutional institutions competent for the area of conception, execution and control of security and defence policy of the Czech Republic and also addresses in short the function and content of the main security documents of the country. The author tried to sketch the institutional and documentary framework of the Czech security policy and to explain roles, relations and obligations of the highest-level constitutional bodies in the process of creation and carrying out of this policy (especially positions of the President, the Parliament, the Government and its so called power ministries and other important institutions). This text does not take a lot all this theme in detail, but it is more aimed at basic information and its target is to expound these problems to those interested, especially to foreign students. ; In this article its author wanted to treat the history and presence of the system constitutional institutions competent for the area of conception, execution and control of security and defence policy of the Czech Republic and also addresses in short the function and content of the main security documents of the country. The author tried to sketch the institutional and documentary framework of the Czech security policy and to explain roles, relations and obligations of the highest-level constitutional bodies in the process of creation and carrying out of this policy (especially positions of the President, the Parliament, the Government and its so called power ministries and other important institutions). This text does not take a lot all this theme in detail, but it is more aimed at basic information and its target is to expound these problems to those interested, especially to foreign students.

The aim of this article is an analysis of the Iranian policy towards the region of Western Balkans, mainly the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina, since the early 1990s until present days. The security and political dimensions of mutual relation between Iran and Bosnia and Herzegovina are examined. This country has been on the focus of Iranian foreign policy for decades. The article maps Iranian political, religious and cultural activities in the country during and after the civil war. One of the main outcomes of the text is the analysis of stagnation, and we might say even fall of Iranian influence in the region caused by changing of the international atmosphere, Iranian regime itself and the decline of Iranian money flow to Bosnia and Herzegovina caused by problematic economic situation in the Islamic Republic suffering the lack of sources.