Suchergebnisse

This study presents constitutional law as an ideal framework to analyze the foreign relations of the State. Through a double standpoint, it examines these relations from the State's perspective and through the action of the empowered organs of the State. In this way, the study aims to highlight the institutional and normative specificities of State's foreign relations. When the State establishes diplomatic and military relations at the outer-limits of its borders, it assumes a singular role compared to other political non-state unities. It performs a political function (fonction-fin), as defined by Charles Eisenmann, which belongs to the field of foreign relations. This political function is hold by the State in order to fulfill one basic need of the sovereign collectivity: to establish and to maintain "good relations" outside its boundaries – irrespective of the conflictual or cooperative nature of these relations. Because law and politics are intertwined, the function of foreign relations do not pre-define the distribution of powers within the State. Nevertheless, it exerts some influence on the constituent's choices and on the practices of the empowered organs. At the interface between the State's interior and exterior, constitutional analysis enables therefore to reexamine many elements usually taken as evident. This study assesses them and observe its effects. For example, it is possible to nuance the State's monopoly on foreign relations and, through a historical perspective, to moderate the governmental concentration of the direction of foreign affairs. ; L'étude proposée soutient que le droit constitutionnel offre un cadre privilégié pour observer les relations extérieures de l'État. L'approche envisage de les appréhender à la fois au prisme de l'État lui-même, et à travers l'action des organes compétents organisés dans l'État. Cette étude entend ainsi mettre en lumière les spécificités institutionnelles et normatives des relations extérieures de l'État. Lorsque celui-ci établit des rapports à ...

This study presents constitutional law as an ideal framework to analyze the foreign relations of the State. Through a double standpoint, it examines these relations from the State's perspective and through the action of the empowered organs of the State. In this way, the study aims to highlight the institutional and normative specificities of State's foreign relations. When the State establishes diplomatic and military relations at the outer-limits of its borders, it assumes a singular role compared to other political non-state unities. It performs a political function (fonction-fin), as defined by Charles Eisenmann, which belongs to the field of foreign relations. This political function is hold by the State in order to fulfill one basic need of the sovereign collectivity: to establish and to maintain "good relations" outside its boundaries – irrespective of the conflictual or cooperative nature of these relations. Because law and politics are intertwined, the function of foreign relations do not pre-define the distribution of powers within the State. Nevertheless, it exerts some influence on the constituent's choices and on the practices of the empowered organs. At the interface between the State's interior and exterior, constitutional analysis enables therefore to reexamine many elements usually taken as evident. This study assesses them and observe its effects. For example, it is possible to nuance the State's monopoly on foreign relations and, through a historical perspective, to moderate the governmental concentration of the direction of foreign affairs. ; L'étude proposée soutient que le droit constitutionnel offre un cadre privilégié pour observer les relations extérieures de l'État. L'approche envisage de les appréhender à la fois au prisme de l'État lui-même, et à travers l'action des organes compétents organisés dans l'État. Cette étude entend ainsi mettre en lumière les spécificités institutionnelles et normatives des relations extérieures de l'État. Lorsque celui-ci établit des rapports à ...

This study presents constitutional law as an ideal framework to analyze the foreign relations of the State. Through a double standpoint, it examines these relations from the State's perspective and through the action of the empowered organs of the State. In this way, the study aims to highlight the institutional and normative specificities of State's foreign relations. When the State establishes diplomatic and military relations at the outer-limits of its borders, it assumes a singular role compared to other political non-state unities. It performs a political function (fonction-fin), as defined by Charles Eisenmann, which belongs to the field of foreign relations. This political function is hold by the State in order to fulfill one basic need of the sovereign collectivity: to establish and to maintain "good relations" outside its boundaries – irrespective of the conflictual or cooperative nature of these relations. Because law and politics are intertwined, the function of foreign relations do not pre-define the distribution of powers within the State. Nevertheless, it exerts some influence on the constituent's choices and on the practices of the empowered organs. At the interface between the State's interior and exterior, constitutional analysis enables therefore to reexamine many elements usually taken as evident. This study assesses them and observe its effects. For example, it is possible to nuance the State's monopoly on foreign relations and, through a historical perspective, to moderate the governmental concentration of the direction of foreign affairs. ; L'étude proposée soutient que le droit constitutionnel offre un cadre privilégié pour observer les relations extérieures de l'État. L'approche envisage de les appréhender à la fois au prisme de l'État lui-même, et à travers l'action des organes compétents organisés dans l'État. Cette étude entend ainsi mettre en lumière les spécificités institutionnelles et normatives des relations extérieures de l'État. Lorsque celui-ci établit des rapports à l'extérieur de ses frontières au moyen de ses outils diplomatique et militaire, il assume un rôle singulier en comparaison des autres unités politiques non étatiques. En effet, il remplit une fonction-fin, au sens de Charles Eisenmann, propre à la matière des relations extérieures. Cette fonction politique est assurée par l'État afin de répondre à un besoin de la collectivité souveraine, à savoir nouer de « bons rapports » au-dehors de son territoire – sans préjuger si la relation en cause est conflictuelle ou coopérative. En raison de l'imbrication du droit et du politique, la fonction des relations extérieures de l'État, si elle ne préjuge pas de la répartition des compétences au sein de celui-ci, n'est pas sans influencer les choix du constituant et la pratique des organes habilités. Placée à l'interface entre le dedans et le dehors de l'État, l'analyse constitutionnelle permet de réinterroger plusieurs éléments souvent présentés comme relevant de l'évidence. L'étude conduit autant à les examiner qu'à en observer les effets. Ainsi est-il possible, par exemple, de relativiser le monopole étatique des relations extérieures ou encore de tempérer, au regard de l'histoire, la concentration gouvernementale de la direction des affaires extérieures.

Task force report: Introduction -- Recommendations: Making North America safer ; Creating a North American economic space ; From vision to action: institutions to guide trinational relations ; Conclusion -- Additional and dissenting views -- Task Force members -- Task Force observers

This contribution intends to discuss this Maussian parentage, which Lévi-Strauss claims to be from a particular field: relations between primitive tribes. The underlying problem is nothing more than "basic" foreign relations (I). Based on an empirical material derived from its field surveys, Lévi-Strauss designs inter-tribal relationships on the mode of exchange. The essence of the primitive society is therefore not war but the fight against it. It thus seems to be in line with Mauss' thoughts. However, there is a deviation from that originally developed by Mauss in the design of the exchange, in particular its relation to the symbol. This is despite the fact that his posture reveals a criticism of naturalism that prolongs the reflection of Durkheim nephew (II). Beyond the problem of intellectual heritage, this understanding of foreign relations by Lévi-Strauss raises the question of the anthropology of the war itself. Is the exchange paradigm relevant to thinking about this topic? (III) ; La présente contribution entend discuter cette filiation maussienne dont se réclame Lévi-Strauss à partir d'un champ particulier : celui des relations entre tribus primitives. Le problème sous-jacent n'est rien d'autre que celui des relations étrangères " élémentaires " (I). Sur la base d'un matériau empirique qu'il puise dans ses enquêtes de terrain, Lévi-Strauss conçoit des relations intertribales sur le mode de l'échange. L'essence de la société primitive ne serait donc pas la guerre mais la lutte contre celleci. Il semble ainsi en accord avec les réflexions formulées par Mauss. Cependant, la conception de l'échange qu'il livre présente une déviation par rapport à celle élaborée initialement par Mauss, notamment son rapport au symbole. Et ce, bien que sa posture révèle une critique du naturalisme qui prolonge la réflexion du neveu de Durkheim (II). Au-delà du problème de l'héritage intellectuel, cette appréhension des relations étrangères par Lévi-Strauss pose la question de l'anthropologie de la guerre elle-même. Le ...

The purpose of the following article is to recreate and analyze the evolution of the National ConstituentAssembly, to introduce several new concepts in matters of foreign relations and international treaties tothe get to the regulations established in Colombia since 1991. ; El artículo tiene como objetivo analizar la evolución constitucional respecto del tema de relaciones exterio- res y tratados internacionales, hasta culminar con la normatividad establecida en la Constitución de 1991. Palabras clave: Relaciones exteriores, control constitucional de los tratados internacionales, Constitución de 1991

Just as the study of economics moved ahead by distinguishing between modes of production, International Relations (IR) may profit from distinguishing modes of foreign relations. In this way, IR can perhaps be saved from virtual irrelevance in a world in which state boundaries are increasingly permeable to all but the poor. Also, the prehistory of the Westphalian state system, which is everywhere around us, may be properly integrated into the understanding of world politics & global political economy. In this paper, two modes of foreign relations prior to relations of multiple sovereignty (IR properly speaking) will be distinguished: tribal relations, & empire! nomad relations. It will be argued that far from have been overcome by later history, these modes still inform the contemporary reality of world politics/global political economy. Adapted from the source document.

This paper analyze the different interpretations that can be a legal and political nature of the principle of non intervention, which allow time to consider joining all countries decide to do so and will even give their ratification; but when it comes to their application to specific cases, enforcement is uncertain or at least hesitant. Governments Continent hegemonic inclinations take advantage of the above procedure to carry out his purposes without suffering international condemnation justified, using the most varied pretexts to disguise their interference in the political affairs of weaker states. Costa Rica and Nicaragua in your history has taken interventionist attitudes sometimes, breach fundamental obligations of the Inter to achieve this is an analysis of the application of the Principle of Non-Intervention to relations between Costa Rica and Nicaragua in 1955. ; El presente trabajo tiene como objetivo el análisis de las diferentes interpretaciones que pueden darse a la naturaleza jurídica y política del Principio de No Intervención, las cuales permiten que a la hora de considerar su adhesión que todos los Estados decidan hacerlo e incluso le otorguen su ratificación; pero cuando se trata de su aplicación a casos concretos, su observancia resulta incierta o al menos vacilante. Los gobiernos con inclinaciones hegemónicas del Continente se aprovechan delprocedimiento anterior para llevar a cabo sus propósitos sin sufrir el justificado repudio internacional, recurriendo a los más variados pretextos para disfrazar su interferencia en los asuntos políticos de los Estados más débiles. Costa Rica y Nicaragua a lo largo de su historia han asumido a veces actitudes intervencionistas, incumpliendo obligaciones fundamentales del Sistema Interamericano, para lograr lo anterior se realiza un análisis de la aplicación del Principio de No Intervención a lasrelaciones entre Costa Rica y Nicaragua en 1955.

INTRODUCCIÓN. I. LAACCIÓN EXTERIOR DE LA GENERALITAT. A. El principio general relativo a la acción exterior. B. La facultad de establecer oficinas en el exterior. D. La obligación de promover la cooperación transfronteriza, interregional y al desarrollo. E. La obligación de participar en Organismos internacionales. F. La obligación de coordinar las acciones exteriores. G. La obligación de promover la proyección internacional de las organizaciones de Cataluña. II. LAS COMPETENCIAS DE LA GENERALITAT RESPECTO A LOS TRATADOS INTERNACIONALES. A. Las competencias de la Generalitat en el proceso de conclusión de tratados internacionales. 1. El derecho de la Generalitat a ser informada previamente de la conclusión de tratados internacionales (art. 196.1). 2. El derecho de la Generalitat a ser informada previamente de la conclusión de tratados internacionales (art. 196.1). 3. La facultad de solicitar al Gobierno que integre a representantes de la Generalitat en las delegaciones negociadoras (art. 196.2). 4. La facultad de solicitar al Gobierno la celebración de tratados internacionales (art. 196.3). B. Las competencias de la Generalitat en el proceso de aplicación de los tratados internacionales. 1. La obligación general de ejecutar las obligaciones internacionales que afecten a materias sobre las que las CC.AA. tengan atribuida competencia. 2. La obligación de la Generalitat de ejecutar las obligaciones derivadas de tratados internacionales (art. 196.4). III. LA PARTICIPACIÓN DE LA GENERALITAT DE CATALUÑA EN LA UNIÓN EUROPEA. A. La participación en la fase ascendente del Derecho de la Unión. 1. La participación en el derecho originario. 2. La participación en el derecho derivado. B. La participación en la fase descendente del Derecho de la Unión. 1. La participación interna. 2. La vocación de acción exterior ante el Tribunal de Justicia de la Unión. CONSIDERACIONES FINALES

Chile se adhiere a los principios de respeto al derecho internacional, a través de su pertenencia a diversas organizaciones internacionales y con Estados a nivel multilateral y bilateral, impulsando sus relaciones económicas, la cooperación, el desarrollo y el intercambio comercial, en especial con China que es el primer socio comercial, y se sitúa en el primer lugar respecto a las exportaciones e importaciones del país. ; Chile adheres to the principles of respect for international law, through its membership in various international organizations and with States at a multilateral and bilateral level, promoting its economic relations, cooperation, development and trade, especially with China, which is Chile's first commercial partner, and ranks first with respect to the country's exports and imports. ; 1-69 ; amoure@derecho.uchile.cl