The tests of war and the strains of peace: The U.S.-Japan security relationship
In: Study Group Report
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In: Study Group Report
World Affairs Online
In: Independent Task Force report 53
Task force report: Introduction -- Recommendations: Making North America safer ; Creating a North American economic space ; From vision to action: institutions to guide trinational relations ; Conclusion -- Additional and dissenting views -- Task Force members -- Task Force observers
World Affairs Online
The purpose of the following article is to recreate and analyze the evolution of the National ConstituentAssembly, to introduce several new concepts in matters of foreign relations and international treaties tothe get to the regulations established in Colombia since 1991. ; El artículo tiene como objetivo analizar la evolución constitucional respecto del tema de relaciones exterio- res y tratados internacionales, hasta culminar con la normatividad establecida en la Constitución de 1991. Palabras clave: Relaciones exteriores, control constitucional de los tratados internacionales, Constitución de 1991
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In: China's Regulations on Foreign Economic Relations and Trade, 1992
World Affairs Online
This paper analyze the different interpretations that can be a legal and political nature of the principle of non intervention, which allow time to consider joining all countries decide to do so and will even give their ratification; but when it comes to their application to specific cases, enforcement is uncertain or at least hesitant. Governments Continent hegemonic inclinations take advantage of the above procedure to carry out his purposes without suffering international condemnation justified, using the most varied pretexts to disguise their interference in the political affairs of weaker states. Costa Rica and Nicaragua in your history has taken interventionist attitudes sometimes, breach fundamental obligations of the Inter to achieve this is an analysis of the application of the Principle of Non-Intervention to relations between Costa Rica and Nicaragua in 1955. ; El presente trabajo tiene como objetivo el análisis de las diferentes interpretaciones que pueden darse a la naturaleza jurídica y política del Principio de No Intervención, las cuales permiten que a la hora de considerar su adhesión que todos los Estados decidan hacerlo e incluso le otorguen su ratificación; pero cuando se trata de su aplicación a casos concretos, su observancia resulta incierta o al menos vacilante. Los gobiernos con inclinaciones hegemónicas del Continente se aprovechan delprocedimiento anterior para llevar a cabo sus propósitos sin sufrir el justificado repudio internacional, recurriendo a los más variados pretextos para disfrazar su interferencia en los asuntos políticos de los Estados más débiles. Costa Rica y Nicaragua a lo largo de su historia han asumido a veces actitudes intervencionistas, incumpliendo obligaciones fundamentales del Sistema Interamericano, para lograr lo anterior se realiza un análisis de la aplicación del Principio de No Intervención a lasrelaciones entre Costa Rica y Nicaragua en 1955.
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Chile se adhiere a los principios de respeto al derecho internacional, a través de su pertenencia a diversas organizaciones internacionales y con Estados a nivel multilateral y bilateral, impulsando sus relaciones económicas, la cooperación, el desarrollo y el intercambio comercial, en especial con China que es el primer socio comercial, y se sitúa en el primer lugar respecto a las exportaciones e importaciones del país. ; Chile adheres to the principles of respect for international law, through its membership in various international organizations and with States at a multilateral and bilateral level, promoting its economic relations, cooperation, development and trade, especially with China, which is Chile's first commercial partner, and ranks first with respect to the country's exports and imports. ; 1-69 ; amoure@derecho.uchile.cl
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This paper analyses two instances of the outstanding role of women, either as goddesses or as mortals, in hospitality relations in the context of the Odyssey: the cases of Athena and Arete, Alcinous' wife. Possible epigraphic parallels from the 2nd millennium BC (Mycenaean and Near Eastern Tablets) and the 1st millennium BC (Greek commercial letters coming from the North Pontic colonies) are also introduced and discussed. ; Se analizan dos de los ejemplos más representativos del destacado papel de la mujer (diosa y mortal) en las relaciones de hospitalidad en la Odisea, el de Atenea y el de Arete, esposa de Alcínoo. Se comentan asimismo paralelos epigráficos del II milenio a.C. (tablillas micénicas y del Próximo Oriente) y del I (cartas comerciales de época arcaica procedentes de las colonias griegas del Ponto).
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In recent times, the study of international relations began to explore new areas of research and to invent innovative approaches. Scholars turned their attention to the role of "economic diplomacy" as an important mean of foreign policy in fostering economic development and expansion. The case of the franco-peruvian economic diplomacy allows analyzing different structures and strategies which were directed towards a bilateral rapprochement. This paper studies the actors, functions and the institutional framework of the foreign economic policy of France and Peru between 1945 and 1975. In a comparative perspective, it is thereby possible to identify, a part of structural similarities, two clearly contrasting strategies in their economic diplomacy. On the one hand, France invested in the extending and specializing of their diplomatic staff in order to implement an active economic diplomacy. On the other hand, due to political and financial reasons, Peru often remained in a more passive role in the search for foreign investments. ; Recientemente el estudio de las relaciones internacionales invita a explorar campos cada vez más innovadores. Los investigadores son cada vez más atraídos por el rol importante que la «diplomacia económica» ha jugado para el desarrollo y la expansión económica de los Estados. El ejemplo de la diplomacia económica franco-peruana ha puesto en cuestión los elementos estratégicos que influyeron en su acercamiento bilateral. Este artículo propone examinar los actores, las funciones, los roles de los instrumentos institucionales y los ejes de apoyo que han interactuado bajo la política económica de cada país entre 1945- 1975. Al respecto, fue posible identificar que la estructura de la diplomacia económica en ambas naciones estuvo sujeta a métodos similares pero a su vez contrastados. Por una parte, Francia apostó por la expansión y la especialización de su cuerpo diplomático con el fin de volver aún más activo el rol de su diplomacia económica. Por otra parte, debido a factores políticos y económicos, el rol de la diplomacia económica peruana fue más pasiva al estar en la búsqueda de nuevas inversiones extranjeras.
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In: National Defense University blue paper
"In 2016, economic globalization suffered a severe crisis after over half a century of smooth development, and deglobalization was running mountains high. Not only did it trigger domestic political discord in major countries like the United States, Britain, France and Germany, but also led to international economic and political disputes among Western countries, intensifying strategic competition between major powers. With the arrival of 2017, through the perilous waves of deglobalization and the consequent international political upheavals, we find that the post Cold War era that we were familiarized with, is coming to a rapid end, ushering in a new international political era, full of uncertainties. This annual book presents Chinese scholars' views, opinions and predictions on global political and security issues, as well as China's strategic choice. It covers a wide range of important issues concerning international security, ranging from the assessment of Sino-US relations, Russian-American relations, the counter terrorism situation in the Middle East, the political situation in Taiwan and cross-Strait relations, Brexit and the refugee problem, and the strategic situation in the South China Sea, to the judgment of the strategic posture in countries and regions like Japan, the Korean Peninsula, Southeast Asia, Latin America and Africa. Also covered are the analysis of the strategic posture in cyber space, outer space (as well as their governance), and discussion on China's international strategic choice in the wave of deglobalization."--
Chung, Lok Wai. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2008. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 254-271). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Abstract / --- p.i ; Acknowledgments/ --- p.iii ; Table of Content / --- p.iv ; List of Tables / --- p.ix ; Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter 1. --- Theoretical background --- p.2 ; Chapter 2. --- Research questions --- p.6 ; Chapter 3. --- Explanatory Variables and Hypothesis: --- p.7 ; Chapter 4. --- Main Findings --- p.9 ; Chapter 5. --- Research methodology --- p.10 ; Chapter 6. --- Research significance --- p.11 ; Chapter 7. --- Structure of the thesis --- p.12 ; Chapter Chapter One: --- Literature Review --- p.15 ; Chapter 1. --- Debate between ideas and interests in International Relations --- p.16 ; Chapter 1.1. --- Conceptualization --- p.17 ; Chapter 1.2. --- How idea affects policy: three pathways? --- p.19 ; Chapter 1.3. --- Interest matter? --- p.20 ; Chapter 1.4. --- How is it formed? --- p.22 ; Chapter 1.5. --- End of idealism and rationalism debate? --- p.23 ; Chapter 2. --- Debate between epistemic community with other communities --- p.28 ; Chapter 2.1. --- How expert group works --- p.31 ; Chapter 2.1.1. --- Uncertainty --- p.31 ; Chapter 2.1.2. --- Cause and effect relationships --- p.32 ; Chapter 2.1.3. --- Define self-interests --- p.33 ; Chapter 2.1.4. --- Formulate policy --- p.33 ; Chapter 2.2. --- Difference between epistemic community with other groups --- p.33 ; Chapter 2.3. --- How to affect policy --- p.35 ; Chapter 2.4. --- Transnational Advocacy Network --- p.38 ; Chapter 2.4.1. --- What is network --- p.38 ; Chapter 2.4.2. --- What is transnationalism --- p.40 ; Chapter 2.4.3. --- What is transnational advocacy network? --- p.42 ; Chapter 2.4.4. --- How Transnational Advocacy Network works? --- p.44 ; Chapter 2.4.5. --- What conditions do advocacy networks have influence? --- p.46 ; Chapter 3. --- Application to the North Korea case --- p.47 ; Chapter Chapter Two: --- North Korea Economy: General Review and Trend ...
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The assignment of the implementation of the Foreign Policy of an administered territory to the International Administration that takes the ius representationis and the competence to conclude International treaties on arouses two non-explored issues. The first one regards the possibility to recognize some International subjectivity of the administered territories. The second one suggests whether the exercise of the Foreign Relations of the administered territory by the International Administration could help the accession of this territory to be recognized as a State in an arguable way according to the International Law or even conflicting to what it states, as it would be perceived the case of the Republic of Kosovo. This paper will attempt to bear out, through the analysis of the practices of UNTAET and UNMIK both, the relationship of cause-and-effect between the implementation of the Foreign Policy by the International Administration of the territory and the identification of some International subjectivity of the administered territory as a prelude to the accession to the recognition as a State. ; La atribución a la administración internacional del ejercicio de las relaciones exteriores del territorio administrado, asumiendo el ius representationis y la competencia para concluir tratados internacionales suscita dos cuestiones novedosas. La primera se refiere al posible reconocimiento de una cierta subjetividad internacional de los territorios administrados. La segunda plantea la pregunta de si el ejercicio de las relaciones exteriores del territorio administrado por la administración internacional puede servir para propiciar el acceso de dicho territorio a la condición de estado, incluso de forma discutible o contraria con el Derecho Internacional, como sería el caso de la República de Kosovo. A través del análisis de la práctica de la UNTAET y de la UNMIK, este trabajo pretende comprobar la relación causa-efecto entre el ejercicio de las relaciones exteriores por la administración territorial internacional y el reconocimiento de una cierta subjetividad internacional del territorio administrado como preludio para la adquisición por éste de la condición de estado.
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In: Estudios internacionales: revista del Instituto de Estudios Internacionales de la Universidad de Chile, Band 16, S. 459-482
ISSN: 0014-1518, 0716-0240
La atribución a la administración internacional del ejercicio de las relaciones exteriores del territorio administrado, asumiendo el ius representationis y la competencia para concluir tratados internacionales suscita dos cuestiones novedosas. La primera se refiere al posible reconocimiento de una cierta subjetividad internacional de los territorios administrados. La segunda plantea la pregunta de si el ejercicio de las relaciones exteriores del territorio administrado por la administración internacional puede servir para propiciar el acceso de dicho territorio a la condición de estado, incluso de forma discutible o contraria con el Derecho Internacional, como sería el caso de la República de Kosovo. A través del análisis de la práctica de la UNTAET y de la UNMIK, este trabajo pretende comprobar la relación causa-efecto entre el ejercicio de las relaciones exteriores por la administración territorial internacional y el reconocimiento de una cierta subjetividad internacional del territorio administrado como preludio para la adquisición por éste de la condición de estado ; The assignment of the implementation of the Foreign Policy of an administered territory to the International Administration that takes the ius representationis and the competence to conclude International treaties on arouses two non-explored issues. The first one regards the possibility to recognize some International subjectivity of the administered territories. The second one suggests whether the exercise of the Foreign Relations of the administered territory by the International Administration could help the accession of this territory to be recognized as a State in an arguable way according to the International Law or even conflicting to what it states, as it would be perceived the case of the Republic of Kosovo. This paper will attempt to bear out, through the analysis of the practices of UNTAET and UNMIK both, the relationship of cause-and-effect between the implementation of the Foreign Policy by the International Administration of the territory and the identification of some International subjectivity of the administered territory as a prelude to the accession to the recognition as a State
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