US and Venezuela Relations: Venezuela in US Foreign Policy in 2017 - This thesis examines foreign relations of US and Venezuela from the beginning of 2017 till August the same year. A complexity of these relations is being provided at first and later on bilateral foreign policy is being examined through the point of threat using discourse and content analysis methods. Analysis consists of US legislative and executive branch official documents (speeches, hearings) looking into human rights abuse, responsibility to act and democracy topics. Analysis presents construct of Venezuela in US foreign policy during particular period of time.
US and Venezuela Relations: Venezuela in US Foreign Policy in 2017 - This thesis examines foreign relations of US and Venezuela from the beginning of 2017 till August the same year. A complexity of these relations is being provided at first and later on bilateral foreign policy is being examined through the point of threat using discourse and content analysis methods. Analysis consists of US legislative and executive branch official documents (speeches, hearings) looking into human rights abuse, responsibility to act and democracy topics. Analysis presents construct of Venezuela in US foreign policy during particular period of time.
US and Venezuela Relations: Venezuela in US Foreign Policy in 2017 - This thesis examines foreign relations of US and Venezuela from the beginning of 2017 till August the same year. A complexity of these relations is being provided at first and later on bilateral foreign policy is being examined through the point of threat using discourse and content analysis methods. Analysis consists of US legislative and executive branch official documents (speeches, hearings) looking into human rights abuse, responsibility to act and democracy topics. Analysis presents construct of Venezuela in US foreign policy during particular period of time.
US and Venezuela Relations: Venezuela in US Foreign Policy in 2017 - This thesis examines foreign relations of US and Venezuela from the beginning of 2017 till August the same year. A complexity of these relations is being provided at first and later on bilateral foreign policy is being examined through the point of threat using discourse and content analysis methods. Analysis consists of US legislative and executive branch official documents (speeches, hearings) looking into human rights abuse, responsibility to act and democracy topics. Analysis presents construct of Venezuela in US foreign policy during particular period of time.
Clan Struggle for Power – the Relation Between Domestic and Foreign Policy in Russia This thesis analyses the effect of clans on the Russian foreign policy formation. Based on the systematic process analysis method, the neo-classical theory of realism is used to trace the chain of causal relationships in which the clan's struggle is influencing foreign policy formation. The synthesis of neo-realism and state capacity analysis complements the approach of neoclassical realism theory. It is argued that the cluster of the leader images, where the role of clans is fundamental, plays an important role in the formation of Russian foreign policy. The struggle of the clans to establish themselves in the structures of the Russian government was the cornerstone of the transformation from pragmatist and a multipolar approach to the Russian foreign policy into a transimperialist approach.
Clan Struggle for Power – the Relation Between Domestic and Foreign Policy in Russia This thesis analyses the effect of clans on the Russian foreign policy formation. Based on the systematic process analysis method, the neo-classical theory of realism is used to trace the chain of causal relationships in which the clan's struggle is influencing foreign policy formation. The synthesis of neo-realism and state capacity analysis complements the approach of neoclassical realism theory. It is argued that the cluster of the leader images, where the role of clans is fundamental, plays an important role in the formation of Russian foreign policy. The struggle of the clans to establish themselves in the structures of the Russian government was the cornerstone of the transformation from pragmatist and a multipolar approach to the Russian foreign policy into a transimperialist approach.
Clan Struggle for Power – the Relation Between Domestic and Foreign Policy in Russia This thesis analyses the effect of clans on the Russian foreign policy formation. Based on the systematic process analysis method, the neo-classical theory of realism is used to trace the chain of causal relationships in which the clan's struggle is influencing foreign policy formation. The synthesis of neo-realism and state capacity analysis complements the approach of neoclassical realism theory. It is argued that the cluster of the leader images, where the role of clans is fundamental, plays an important role in the formation of Russian foreign policy. The struggle of the clans to establish themselves in the structures of the Russian government was the cornerstone of the transformation from pragmatist and a multipolar approach to the Russian foreign policy into a transimperialist approach.
Clan Struggle for Power – the Relation Between Domestic and Foreign Policy in Russia This thesis analyses the effect of clans on the Russian foreign policy formation. Based on the systematic process analysis method, the neo-classical theory of realism is used to trace the chain of causal relationships in which the clan's struggle is influencing foreign policy formation. The synthesis of neo-realism and state capacity analysis complements the approach of neoclassical realism theory. It is argued that the cluster of the leader images, where the role of clans is fundamental, plays an important role in the formation of Russian foreign policy. The struggle of the clans to establish themselves in the structures of the Russian government was the cornerstone of the transformation from pragmatist and a multipolar approach to the Russian foreign policy into a transimperialist approach.
Smart power is a completely new phenomenon in international relations. It is defined as a smart combination of hard and soft powers"tools, which leads to effective foreign policy. Smart power is closely related with the case of the United States, in which even the highest officials in their rhetorics use the term of smart power. According to officials, smart power is an objective in foreign policy. Therefore there is a need to research if the USA uses smart power in its foreign policy towards China after 2009. The subject of this study is the use of smart power in foreign policy of the United States towards China since 2009. The aim of this study is to research if the U.S. uses the smart power as a tool of foreign policy in relations with China after the year 2009. To achieve this aim the following goals are settled: to present a theory of international relations realism, and its main ideas and types, distinguishing neoclassical realism; to discuss the term of power in international relations by distinguishing soft and hard power forms, and to present the concept of smart power by highlighting its origins, definition, application and tools; to perform an analyses of official U. S. rhetorics towards China after year 2009 by analyzing National security strategy and the speeches of the highest officials, and by evaluating the smart power evidence in those rhetorics; to analyze the smart power in U.S. foreign policy towards China after 2009 by using a structured interview method with international relations" experts. The defendant statement/hypothesis of this paper: the United States uses smart power as a tool of foreign policy towards China after 2009. Smart power is based on the principle when in a given situation the appropriate tool or combination of tools is selected in order to reach successful and effective foreign policy. While the smart power is neither hard nor soft power, it is often described as the method of power application, but not as a new form of power. The tools of smart power include both hard power and soft power tools, between which there are diplomatic, economic, military, political, legal and cultural instruments. The results of official U.S. rhetorics analyses suggest that smart power is declared as a foreign policy of U.S. towards China tool after 2009. Both the National Security Strategy and the official rhetoric of the highest officials suggest that the United States seeks to strengthen soft power tools, which became the priority, together with well-developed hard power. However, according to experts on international relations, the use of smart power in U.S. relations with China after 2009 is unimportant part of foreign policy. Smart power is an appropriate term to describe U.S foreign policy towards China after 2009, but it is not relevant during the process of policy formation.
"the father of Albanian nation", who established Albanian inde- pendence on November 28th, 1443. After falling down under Ottoman sway in 1479, the Albanians had to wait till November 28, 1912 when the Albania's independence was re-announced. Nevertheless, when Albanian sate borders were drawn in 1913 by the Great European Powers, nearly half of ethnic Al- banians were left out-side-most notably in the Serbia's province of Kosovo and Metochia and western Macedonia. It was a result of clashes of opposite interests of both Great European Powers and Balkan national states in regard to strategically very significant land of Albania. Every powerful European state at the end of the 19th century and the begin- ning of the 20th century was interested in the Southeastern Europe. Territory of Albania became a part of this interest. Russia's crucial driving force in her Balkan policy was the wish to acquire an exit to the "warm sea". Germany of the Second Empire saw the territory of the Southeastern Europe as the trans- versal area for its Drang nach Osten towards the Middle East and Central Asia. Austria-Hungary was seeking to occupy the seaport of Salonica and to establish its footholds on the territory of Albania. While Italy did not show great interest concerning the question of Salonica, its foreign policy in regard to Albanian territory became the main obstacle for Viennese plans about the "land of Skanderbeg". Similarly to the Great Britain's policy of European po- wer-balance, France was pursuing the policy of status quo on the Balkans.
Ongoing economic globalization processes of the late decades and the increasing integration of markets and societies have changed the world and the traditional intercourse among states. The importance of economic interests of countries is constantly rising. Academic literature often mentions and existing tension (competition) between politics and economics. That is why there is a question,- are these interests compatible or competing in Lithuania? The object of this study: Lithuanian economic interest representation and the interaction among economic and political interests of the state. Purpose: to find out how important are economic interests in the contemporary Lithuanian foreign policy; in what way and how much can they influence it. In order to implement the main purpose of this study these objectives are being met: To review the interpretation of the relation between economics and politics in the internationa relations discipline; To analyze which [and in what extent] economic interests are being mentioned in the most important foreign policy documents and what is their significance in those documents; To explore the institutionalization of economic interest representation; To identify the weaknesses of economic interest representation in foreign countries; To study the interaction between economic and political interests according to the most important Lithuanian foreign policy regional courses - Europe, CIS, Asia and America; To propose recommendations for the improvement of Lithuanian economic (diplomacy) foreign policy. Lithuanian economic interests in this study are considered as the promotion of common economic relations (foreign trade) and of the export of nations products and services; attracting of foreign direct investment, protection and representation of the interests of the national economy subjects. After implementing the objectives of this study the following conclusions were derived: • The ongoing globalization processes transform the foreign policies of many countries. Representation of economic interests is becomming one of its essential elements. • Since the regaining of independency economic and foreign policy were considered as two different areas. Membership in the EU has highlighted the importance of economic interest representation and the necessity to integrate them into the common foreign policy. • Lithuanian institutions, responsible for shaping and implementing foreign policy, consider economic interests in different ways; • Lithuania has adopted the competetive model of economic diplomacy; • Lithuanian economic diplomacy has the following weaknesses: - Lack of coordination among the most important institutions which shape and implement economic diplomacy; - The absence of a unified Lithuanian economic diplomacy strategy; - No "country marketing" (image strategy, country branding) has been created yet; - The lack of "aggression" in Lithuanian diplomats who coordinate economic affairs; - Failing communication among businessmen and diplomats; In order to improve the representation of Lithuanian economic interests and their protection in foreign countries the following measures ought to be implemented: • Protect the national interests in the EU more actively; • Reduce the tensions between politics and economics in the cases of Russia and Belarus; • Significantly strengthen the diplomatic-economic representation in Asian countries; • Use good political relations and the transatlantic partnership in achieving economic aims in America;. • Improve the coordination of actions among the institutions which implement economic diplomacy; • Regulate and separate the functions of the institutions implementing economic diplomacy more clearly; • Create a unified strategy for the representation of Lithuanian economic interests. • Pay more attention to economic diplomacy as a discipline in universities.
Ongoing economic globalization processes of the late decades and the increasing integration of markets and societies have changed the world and the traditional intercourse among states. The importance of economic interests of countries is constantly rising. Academic literature often mentions and existing tension (competition) between politics and economics. That is why there is a question,- are these interests compatible or competing in Lithuania? The object of this study: Lithuanian economic interest representation and the interaction among economic and political interests of the state. Purpose: to find out how important are economic interests in the contemporary Lithuanian foreign policy; in what way and how much can they influence it. In order to implement the main purpose of this study these objectives are being met: To review the interpretation of the relation between economics and politics in the internationa relations discipline; To analyze which [and in what extent] economic interests are being mentioned in the most important foreign policy documents and what is their significance in those documents; To explore the institutionalization of economic interest representation; To identify the weaknesses of economic interest representation in foreign countries; To study the interaction between economic and political interests according to the most important Lithuanian foreign policy regional courses - Europe, CIS, Asia and America; To propose recommendations for the improvement of Lithuanian economic (diplomacy) foreign policy. Lithuanian economic interests in this study are considered as the promotion of common economic relations (foreign trade) and of the export of nations products and services; attracting of foreign direct investment, protection and representation of the interests of the national economy subjects. After implementing the objectives of this study the following conclusions were derived: • The ongoing globalization processes transform the foreign policies of many countries. Representation of economic interests is becomming one of its essential elements. • Since the regaining of independency economic and foreign policy were considered as two different areas. Membership in the EU has highlighted the importance of economic interest representation and the necessity to integrate them into the common foreign policy. • Lithuanian institutions, responsible for shaping and implementing foreign policy, consider economic interests in different ways; • Lithuania has adopted the competetive model of economic diplomacy; • Lithuanian economic diplomacy has the following weaknesses: - Lack of coordination among the most important institutions which shape and implement economic diplomacy; - The absence of a unified Lithuanian economic diplomacy strategy; - No "country marketing" (image strategy, country branding) has been created yet; - The lack of "aggression" in Lithuanian diplomats who coordinate economic affairs; - Failing communication among businessmen and diplomats; In order to improve the representation of Lithuanian economic interests and their protection in foreign countries the following measures ought to be implemented: • Protect the national interests in the EU more actively; • Reduce the tensions between politics and economics in the cases of Russia and Belarus; • Significantly strengthen the diplomatic-economic representation in Asian countries; • Use good political relations and the transatlantic partnership in achieving economic aims in America;. • Improve the coordination of actions among the institutions which implement economic diplomacy; • Regulate and separate the functions of the institutions implementing economic diplomacy more clearly; • Create a unified strategy for the representation of Lithuanian economic interests. • Pay more attention to economic diplomacy as a discipline in universities.
The aim of this dissertation is to reveal the relationship between the collective identity of Lithuanian foreign policy decision-makers, the concept of Lithuanian identity and national interests as articulated by these persons and particular foreign policy choices. Based on the constructivism theory of international relations, the paper formulates theoretical assumptions to research processes involved in foreign policy decision making and state identity formation. Aspects of the constructivism theory in international relations are examined and key ideas are highlighted and used in the analysis. The study distinguishes and addresses two main elements – the state identity and foreign policy decisions – by showing how the interaction of these elements enables to reveal the relationship between identity factors and foreign policy decision emergence and making. The formulated analysis principles allow to disclose how and what intersubjective values (identity perceptions) affect foreign policy decisions in practice. For this purpose, three Lithuanian foreign policy decisions are analyzed: 1) Lithuanian membership in NATO, 2) support for the US in the Iraq war, 3) formulation and realisation of the New Lithuanian Foreign Policy Concept (leadership in the region). Based on the results of empirical research, circumstances of Lithuanian foreign policy decision emergence and making are explained.
The aim of this dissertation is to reveal the relationship between the collective identity of Lithuanian foreign policy decision-makers, the concept of Lithuanian identity and national interests as articulated by these persons and particular foreign policy choices. Based on the constructivism theory of international relations, the paper formulates theoretical assumptions to research processes involved in foreign policy decision making and state identity formation. Aspects of the constructivism theory in international relations are examined and key ideas are highlighted and used in the analysis. The study distinguishes and addresses two main elements – the state identity and foreign policy decisions – by showing how the interaction of these elements enables to reveal the relationship between identity factors and foreign policy decision emergence and making. The formulated analysis principles allow to disclose how and what intersubjective values (identity perceptions) affect foreign policy decisions in practice. For this purpose, three Lithuanian foreign policy decisions are analyzed: 1) Lithuanian membership in NATO, 2) support for the US in the Iraq war, 3) formulation and realisation of the New Lithuanian Foreign Policy Concept (leadership in the region). Based on the results of empirical research, circumstances of Lithuanian foreign policy decision emergence and making are explained.
The aim of this dissertation is to reveal the relationship between the collective identity of Lithuanian foreign policy decision-makers, the concept of Lithuanian identity and national interests as articulated by these persons and particular foreign policy choices. Based on the constructivism theory of international relations, the paper formulates theoretical assumptions to research processes involved in foreign policy decision making and state identity formation. Aspects of the constructivism theory in international relations are examined and key ideas are highlighted and used in the analysis. The study distinguishes and addresses two main elements – the state identity and foreign policy decisions – by showing how the interaction of these elements enables to reveal the relationship between identity factors and foreign policy decision emergence and making. The formulated analysis principles allow to disclose how and what intersubjective values (identity perceptions) affect foreign policy decisions in practice. For this purpose, three Lithuanian foreign policy decisions are analyzed: 1) Lithuanian membership in NATO, 2) support for the US in the Iraq war, 3) formulation and realisation of the New Lithuanian Foreign Policy Concept (leadership in the region). Based on the results of empirical research, circumstances of Lithuanian foreign policy decision emergence and making are explained.
