Suchergebnisse

Notions of the power associated with the European Union's foreign policy and its role in international relations are mostly liberal in origin. This explains the EU's special role in the Cold War era and that it has since emerged more as a moral, ethical and normative power. The EU's lack of military capability has probably been the main cause that prevents it from acting as a great or superpower. The distinction between materialistic and immaterial elements of power has been a crucial point of contention between realists and liberal thinkers. In international relations, we are also witnessing the trend of the EU increasingly using the geopolitical approach (such as in the Ukrainian crisis) besides the normative one. In the article, different concepts of EU foreign policy regarding power in the light of realism and liberalism are compared where, alongside the descriptive method, a SWOT analysis is performed. Keywords: realism, liberalism, power, European Union, Ukraine, foreign policy, international relations

The war in Ukraine is the most significant threat to the peace of the Euro-Atlantic area in decades. After 4 years of Trump's weakening of transatlantic relations, Biden's presumed foreign policy doctrine includes their quick renewal, or re-Atlantisation. The article problematises the 'new' strategy of containment given Russia's aggression, the state of transatlantic relations, and the current global order's configuration, whereby the transatlantic bond is being strengthened and the formation of Biden's foreign policy doctrine is being followed by a 'grand-strategic' shift. Four different models of transatlantic relations (mutual autonomy, strategic autonomy, strategic partnership, situational partnership) are discussed where variables include the approach taken by the USA to transatlantic relations, and the approach of Europe's EU and NATO members to transatlantic relations are addressed. The main argument is that transatlantic relations during Biden's mandate have constantly oscillated between a stra-tegic partnership, especially related to common goals of democracy promotion and containment and situ-ational partnership. Situations like the war in Ukraine have simultaneously acted to strengthen the American–European partnership based on the shared security and political interests.Keywords: transatlantic relations, reatlantisation, USA, Europe, Biden doctrine, war in Ukraine, strategic part-nership, situational partnership

Predmet doktorske disertacije je upravljanje zunanjetrgovinske politike države ob upoštevanju delovanja nadnacionalnih entitet, pri čemer je naš osrednji cilj identificirati optimalen način realizacije nacionalnih interesov v okviru nadnacionalne entitete (tj. Evropske unije). Zunanjetrgovinska politika je eno izmed najstarejših ekonomskih področij, o katerem so tekle resne akademske razprave že v Antični Grčiji pred več kot 2000 leti. Vendar o razvoju svetovne trgovine kot sistematičnem globalnem načinu trgovanja govorimo šele od 15. stoletja dalje. Za boljše razumevanje področja v doktorski disertaciji najprej opredelimo teoretska izhodišča, v okviru katerih predstavimo teorije mednarodne menjave ter analiziramo vlogo države in ekonomske diplomacije skozi različna zgodovinska obdobja (merkantilizem, liberalizem, protekcionizem, intervencionizem ter obdobje liberalizacije in globalizacije). Kot najpomembnejše teoretično izhodišče od Davida Ricarda dalje identificiramo ugotovitev, da svet ni ničelna vsota – vse države z zunanjo trgovino pridobivajo. Kljub temu da so države skozi različna zgodovinska obdobja (glede na gospodarske razmere) vodile različne zunanjetrgovinske politike (protekcionistične ali liberalne), teorija in praksa potrjujeta, da liberalna zunanjetrgovinska politika povečuje konkurenčnost gospodarstva. Študije ekonomistov (Sachs in Warner 1995, 35 ; Frey v Pruslecki 2008, 5 ; Krueger 1980, 289) namreč kažejo, da države z liberalno zunanjetrgovinsko politiko dosegajo višjo gospodarsko rast od tistih s protekcionistično. Kot potrditev teze navajamo izsledke analiz, ki kažejo na višje stopnje gospodarske rasti v t. i. hitro rastočih gospodarstvih (državah BRIICS ‒ Braziliji, Rusiji, Indiji, Indoneziji, Kitajski in Južni Afriki). Slednje so na podlagi liberalizacije trgov v zadnjih dvajsetih letih dosegale višje stopnje gospodarske rasti od razvitih gospodarstev. Glede na to da je predmet disertacije zunanjetrgovinska politika v okviru Evropske unije (EU), ki jo Slovenija sooblikuje, se v okviru analize ukrepov osredotočimo na ukrepe zunanjetrgovinske politike EU, vlogo nacionalnih in nadnacionalnih (vladnih in nevladnih) akterjev ter povezavo vsebin z drugimi politikami. Ključni akterji v procesu formalnega delovanja na področju zunanjetrgovinske politike EU so: Evropska komisija (Direktorat za trgovino), Svet EU (Odbor za zunanjetrgovinsko politiko, Coreper in Svet za zunanje zadeve), Evropski parlament ter nevladni akterji (združenja, nevladne organizacije) kot nadnacionalni akterji in (vladni in nevladni) akterji na nacionalni ravni držav članic EU. Prioriteta zunanjetrgovinske politike EU je multilateralna zunanja trgovina, vzporedno pa potekajo pogajanja s številnimi državami oz. regijami za sklenitev preferencialnih trgovinskih sporazumov. Med ukrepi zunanjetrgovinske politike EU je pomembna še Strategija dostopa na trg, v okviru katere se dosegajo sinergije na podlagi okrepljenega partnerstva med Evropsko komisijo, državami članicami in gospodarstvom. Ugotavljamo, da postaja v obdobju globalizacije zunanjetrgovinska politika izrazito večplastna ter da izginjajo meje med zunanjimi in notranjimi politikami. Na primeru pogajanj t. i. Razvojne agende iz Dohe, ki potekajo v okviru Svetovne trgovinske organizacije, potrdimo tezo o prepletanju pogajanj na različnih ravneh (bilateralni, regionalni in multilateralni) in vsebinski povezanosti zunanjetrgovinske politike z drugimi politikami (z razvojno, s kmetijsko ipd.). Slednje potrjujejo tudi strateški dokumenti EU (Strategija Evropa 2020 ; Trgovina, rast in svetovne zadeve ter Globalna Evropa: konkurenčna v svetu), v katere je zunanjetrgovinska politika vključena kot pomemben sestavni del politike konkurenčnosti. ; The doctoral thesis focuses on a country's external trade policy management in relation to the processes witin subnational entities. Our main goal is to identify an optimal approach to realizing national interests in the context of a subnational entity (i.e., the European Union). External trade policy is one of the oldest economic policies. The first discussions on trade issues started among philosophers in Greece 2000 years ago, but global trade as a systematic process emerged in the 15th century. At the beginning of the doctoral thesis, the focus is on the theoretical background ‒ theories of external economic co-operation. We analyse the role of the state and economic diplomacy in different historical periods (mercantilism, liberalism, protectionism, interventionism, liberalisation and globalisation). The most important theoretical finding is (discovered by David Ricardo and confirmed in subsequent theories) that all states, engaged in external trade, gain (we talk about the so called positive sum). Although countries led different external trade policies during various historical periods (liberal or protectionist), theory and experience show that the liberal external trade policy increases competitiveness of an economy. Studies of several economists (Sachs and Warner 1995, 35 ; Frey 1984 ; Pruslecki 2008, 5 ; Krueger 1980, 289) also confirm, that countries with a liberal external trade policy record higher growth rates than those in favour of protectionism. Emerging economies (the so called BRIICS countries ‒ Brasil, Russia, India, Indonesia, China, and South Africa) record higher growth rates in the last twenty years – after liberalising their markets. We analyse the European Union (EU) external trade policy measures, the role of national and subnational (state and non-state) actors, and the interconnectedness of the external trade policy and other national policies. The key actors in the formal process of creating EU external trade policy are: European Commission (Directorate General for Trade), Council of the EU (Trade Policy Committee – formerly 133 Committee ; Coreper, Foreign Affairs Council), European Parliament, non-state actors (associations, non-governmental organisations (NGOs)) as well as actors in the member states (state and non state actors: ministries, diplomatic network, business associations, chambers of commerce, NGOs, etc.). The priority of the EU external trade policy is multilateral trade – successful conclusion of the WTO Doha Development Agenda. In parallel, EU is negotiating preferential trade agreements with several countries and regions. One of the most important trade policy measures is also Market Access Partnership, where active involvement of member states and the business sector is expected. Globalisation has changed the patterns of global economic co-operation and global trade. External trade has become more complex (linked to the competition, energy, environment and sustainable development policies) and the number of actors (state and non-state) involved in the policy has increased significantly. The boundaries between external and internal policies disappear as well. We show the interactions between different actors, negotiating levels, and policies on the World Trade Organisation Doha Development Agenda case, where the positions of the negotiations have to be agreed on at different levels: national, bilateral, regional, and multilateral. External trade policy is an important part of the EU strategic documents (Global Europe: competing in the world, EU 2020), and therefore an important element of the competitiveness policy. The thesis also confirms that the role of economic diplomacy in trade issues has gained importance during the last twenty years. Saner and Yiu (2003) argue that the main function of the post-modern economic diplomacy is representation in the international organisations and influence on other countries' policies.

To magistrsko delo analizira obrambno sodelovanje držav višegrajske skupine s poudarkom na sodelovanju na področju obrambne industrije in sodobne obrambne trgovine med državami. Čeprav se zdi, da je višegrajska skupina zelo povezana in trdna zveza držav, se v literaturi pojavljajo prav nasprotna mnenja. Četudi so vsem državam skupine skupne težave zaradi zastarele vojaške opreme in potrebe po modernih oborožitvenih sistemih ter kljub obetavnim izjavam politikov, je sodelovanje na tem področju zelo skopo. Obrambne industrije višegrajskih držav so čedalje bolj vpete v proizvodne procese zahodnih vojaških multinacionalnih korporacij, politični odločevalci višegrajske skupine pa še vedno niso pripravljeni izdatno podpreti iskrenega sodelovanja med državami, kot na primer skupnih dobav. Četudi lahko pri analizi obrambnih sektorjev skupine zaznamo celo vrsto strukturnih problemov, pa se obrambna trgovina višegrajskih držav ujema z njihovo zunanjo in varnostno politiko. To ujemanje samo po sebi ne izključuje ostalih težav v obrambnih industrijskih sektorjih, ki ovirajo sodelovanje držav, služi pa kot nadaljnji dokaz, kako so obrambno-industrijski sektorji držav tesno povezani z njihovo zunanjo in varnostno politiko. ; This master thesis analyses the defense cooperation of the Visegrad group countries with specific focus on the collaboration initiatives in the defence industry sector and ongoing arms trade relations among the countries. While the Visegrad group seems a coherent and a solid group of countries, many experts on this field argue quite the contrary. Despite the common issues regarding the obsolete military force, the need for newer or modernized weapon systems and, above all, the political declarations promoting the defence industry cooperation among the group countries, there have been little steps taken apart from the promising rhetoric. The countries' defence industries are progressively more involved in the work process of the Western defence corporations, while the political decision makers are still not really keen on genuine cooperation such as common acquisition of arms in intra-group level. While a whole set of obstacles for the deeper cooperation can be identified, foreign and security directions of the countries resemble the trade relations in the arms market. Although this matching as such does not necessarily prove that the group's foreign and security policies solely and by itself negatively contribute to the closer defence industry cooperation, it serves as another proof how the defence industrial complex is tightly connected to one country's foreign and security policy.

Globalizirani svet, v katerem živimo danes, je zaznamovan z gospodarsko odvisnostjo, ki jo lahko merimo z medsebojnim sodelovanjem držav. Zaradi tega je tudi gospodarstvo z leti prevzelo osrednjo vlogo pri diplomatskem delovanju. Razlika med tradicionalno in moderno diplomacijo je vse manjša. Gospodarska diplomacija je postopoma postala osrednja aktivnost diplomacije in mednarodnih odnosov. Analizirana in obdelana je bila na teoretičnem področju, kjer jo lahko razumemo kot sredstvo zunanje politike. To velja tudi za Republiko Hrvaško, ki je država z zelo dolgo zgodovino diplomacije. Že v času Dubrovniške republike je oblast prepoznala pomen mednarodnega sodelovanja za doseganje medsebojnih koristi. Tudi danes, v globaliziranem svetu, lahko prepoznamo pomen gospodarske odvisnosti in s tem tudi intenziviranja gospodarskih odnosov med državami. Da bi gospodarsko dobro sodelovala z ostalimi državami, je tudi Hrvaška razvila model gospodarske diplomacije, s katerim lahko zaščiti svojo gospodarsko rast in razvoj ter se pozicionira v mednarodnem okolju. Veliko vlogo pri tem ima Hrvaška gospodarska zbornica, ki je odprla svoja Predstavništva v različnih delih sveta. Cilj tega delovanja je promocija hrvaških podjetnikov ter privabljanje tujih naložb in s tem tudi večanje ugleda države v mednarodni areni. Hrvaška gospodarska zbornica ima velik vpliv na hrvaško gospodarstvo zaradi delovanja v tretjih državah, kjer sodeluje pri organizaciji sejmov in celotni promociji države. Tako delovanje Hrvaške gospodarske zbornice predstavlja most med državo in gospodarstvom in je zaradi aktivne udeležbe na mednarodnih trgih njeno delovanje velikega pomena za hrvaško zunanjo politiko in (gospodarsko) diplomacijo. ; The globalized world we live in today is marked by economic dependance, which can be measured by the mutual cooperation of countries. As a result, the economy has also taken on a central role in diplomatic action over the years. The gap between traditional and modern diplomacy is getting weaker, since they often overlap. Economic diplomacy has gradually become a central activity of diplomacy and international relations. Economic diplomacy has been analyzed in the theoretical field, is understood as means of foreign policy. This also applies to the Republic of Croatia, a country with a long history of diplomacy. The authorities in the times of the Republic of Dubrovnik already recognized the importance of economic dependance and thus the intensification of economic relations between countries. In order to cooperate economically with other countries, Croatia has also developed a model of economic diplomacy with which it can protect its economic growth and development, while also positioning itself in the international environment. The Croatian Chamber of Commerce plays an important role with opening different Representative Offices all over the world. The aim of these operations is to promote Croatian enterpreneurs and attract foreign investment. The Croatian Chamber of Commerce has a great influence on the Croatian economy, especially because of its operations in third countries. Thus, operations of the Croatian Chamber of Commerce represent a bridge between the state and the economy, and due to its active participation in international markets, its operations are important for Croatian foreign policy and (economic) diplomacy.

Abstract: Security Policy and Memory Politics: Establishing the Soviet Liberation Monument in Kirkenes, 1945–1952A few kilometers from the border with Russia, in the town of Kirkenes in the easternmost corner of Northern Norway, there stands a bronze statue of a Soviet soldier looking out over the borderland. The Soviet Liberation Monument, as the statue is called, was unveiled in 1952 by the Norwegian authorities, in gratitude for the Soviet liberation of the East Finnmark area in 1944. The statue has served as a meeting place for regular commemorative ceremonies involving the Norwegian and Soviet authorities, throughout the Cold War and up until the present. This article explores the interplay between security policy and memory politics at the onset of the Cold War by examining the seven-year long process of establishing this monument. As the Iron Curtain descended over Europe, the monument and the memories attached to it became important tools with which Norway developed a critical dialogue with its great-power neighbor. The article shows how the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs learned how to use the collective memories of the Soviet liberation to ensure Norway's security-policy goal of low tension in its relations with the USSR.

Predmet magistrskega dela se nanaša na analizo stanja internacionalizacije visokega šolstva v Sloveniji in postopke vpisa tujih študentov oziroma procesne ovire pri vpisovanju tujcev iz tretjih držav (npr. vpisni roki, presoja dokazil ali (ne)sodelovanje med organi). Ključne ugotovitve na podlagi kvantitativnih metod, kjer sem analizirala javne statistične podatke, in kvalitativnih metod z analizo zakonodaje in s polstrukturiranimi intervjuji, so, da obstaja dokaj velika nekompatibilnost postopkov med univerzami, Ministrstvom za zunanje zadeve v povezavi z upravnimi enotami ter Ministrstvom za izobraževanje, znanost in šport in pri pridobivanju dovoljenj za začasno prebivanje v času študija pri tujcih iz tretjih držav. Opravljena je bila tudi mednarodna primerjava s Finsko, ki kaže visoko ciljno usmerjenost v internacionalizacijo in je enako kot Slovenija članica EU. Skozi raziskavo so bile potrjene podane izhodiščne hipoteze. Internacionalizacija za vse deležnike prinaša koristi. Toda rokovnik vpisnih opravil šolskega ministrstva in univerz, npr. Univerze v Mariboru, ni prilagojen tujcem iz tretjih držav. Tudi domet smiselne rabe Zakona o splošnem upravnem postopku v visokem šolstvu ni jasen. Posledica teh pojavov so predolgi postopki in dejanski prihod študentov v Slovenijo šele sredi študijskega obdobja, kar otežuje konkurenčnost slovenskih univerz. Normativni okvir vpisa tujih študentov in še bolj njegovo (ne)izvajanje pri nas tako nista povsem usklajena s cilji internacionalizacije visokega šolstva, kar potrjuje tudi bolj učinkovit sistem istovrstnih postopkov na Finskem. Rezultati magistrskega dela pa so prikazali pozitivne zglede in smeri razvoja, s katerimi bi lahko Slovenija v bodoče regulirala in izvajala vpise tujcev iz tretjih držav. ; The subject of this master's thesis deals with the analysis of the internationalization of higher education in Slovenia and the procedures for enrolment of foreign students or the procedural barriers in regard to the enrolment of candidates from the third world countries, (e. g. enrolment deadlines, assessment of certificates or (non) cooperation between authorities). The key findings, based on quantitative methods employing the analysis of public statistics data, and qualitative methods employing legislation analysis and semi-structured interviews, are that for foreigners from the third world countries there is a rather high incompatibility of procedures between universities, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in relation to administrative units and the Ministry of Education, Science and Sport in regard of obtaining temporary residence permits while studying. The research, further on, includes an international comparison with Finland, which is highly goal oriented towards internationalization and is the same as Slovenia member state of the European Union. Through the research, the baseline hypotheses were confirmed. Internationalization brings benefits for all stakeholders. But the schedule of enrolment tasks of the school ministry and universities, e.g. the University of Maribor is not suitable for foreigners from the third world countries. Also, the scope of meaningful use of the General Administrative Procedure Act in higher education is not clear. These phenomena result in lengthy procedures and the actual arrival of students to Slovenia only in the middle of the study period, which consequently hinders the competitiveness of Slovenian universities. The normative framework of enrolment of foreign students and, even more so, its (non) implementation in Slovenia are, thus, not completely in line with the goals of internationalization of higher education, which also confirms a more efficient system of similar procedures in Finland. The results of the master's thesis showed positive examples and directions of development, with which Slovenia could regulate and implement the enrolment of foreigners from the third world countries in the future.

V magistrskem delu smo raziskali dejavnike poslovnih pogajanj med partnerji iz Slovenije v odnosu s partnerji iz držav razpadle Jugoslavije. Opisani so dejavniki in karakteristike poslovnih pogajanj v splošnem pomenu, kot tudi vpliv dejavnikov kulture, ki se odražajo v sklopu mednarodnih poslovnih odnosov in pogajanj. Kulturna dejstva so temelj, na katerem slonijo poslovni odnosi, kadar se v procesu srečujejo poslovni partnerji iz različnih držav, kar pomeni, da moramo biti pozorni na razlike v komunikacijskem procesu, spoštovanju tuje kulture in njihovih navad, ponekod celo religije. Razlike med našimi in tujimi dejavniki kulture, oz. vsaj poznavanje in spoštovanje le-teh, so ključ za graditev in ohranjanje dolgoročnih poslovnih odnosov. Razlike so pravzaprav prisotne povsod, ne le na globalni ravni poslovanja, najdemo jih že tudi na lokalni ravni, saj so si podjetja, njihove usmeritve in cilji, drugačni. Potrebno se je prilagoditi drugim, če želimo doseči nekaj, kar nam predstavlja korist. Soočanje in osvajanje medkulturnih razlik nam pomaga pri razumevanju medkulturnih dimenzij, pri čemer se je potrebno zavedati, da se bomo tega učili skozi celotno življenje. Kultura je namreč širok spekter pojmov, družbenih norm in vrednot, da bi jih lahko popolnoma prevzeli in se z njimi popolnoma poistovetili. V magistrskem delu so zaradi tega razloga predstavljeni le določeni dejavniki in definicije. Teoretični del ob definicijah in opredelitvah poslovnih pogajanj in mednarodnih pogajanj vsebuje še predstavitev držav nekdanje Jugoslavije, v raziskovalnem delu pa smo povzeli še dejanske izkušnje respondentov poglobljenega intervjuja, ter pridobili pomembne informacije in smernice, ki bodo koristno predstavljene za druge poslovneže, ki že aktivno sodelujejo ali pa imajo namen v prihodnosti sodelovati s poslovnimi partnerji v raziskovani regiji. V sklepnem delu so povzete glavne ugotovitve, in sicer lahko zapišemo, da je za uspešna poslovna pogajanja z državami, ki so nekoč sestavljale mogočno Jugoslavijo, potrebno poznavanje oz. bolje rečeno spoštovanje njihove religije, ki je ponekod zelo izrazita, dejavnik, ki pa zagotavlja pristne in dolgoročne odnose z njimi, pa je faktor človečnosti. Odnosi namreč temeljijo na poznavanju ljudi na osebni in poslovni ravni, ki ju je potrebno usklajeno vzdrževati (tudi v času, kadar nismo v proaktivnem sodelovanju s partnerjem, je potrebno ohranjanje odnosa v obliki osebnega stika in poslovnih daril). Prav tako smo ugotovili tudi, da se način pogajanj iz držav nekdanje Jugoslavije ne razlikuje več močno od evropskega, saj aktivno stremijo evropskim standardom. ; In this work, we examined the factors of business negotiations between partners from Slovenia in relation to partners that came from the stats of former Yugoslavija. The factors and characteristics of business negotiations in the general sense are described, as well as the influence of cultural factors, which are reflected in the framework of international business relations and negotiations. Cultural facts are the foundation upon which business relations are based, when business partners from different countries meet in the process, and that means that we must pay attention to the differences in the communication process, respect for foreign culture and their habits, and sometimes even religion. Differences between our and foreign factors of culture, at least knowing and respecting them, are the key to building and maintaining long-term business relationships. The differences are actually present everywhere, not only at the global level of business, but also at the local level, as companies, their policies and goals are different. It is necessary to adapt to others if we are to achieve something that benefits us. Facing and conquering intercultural differences helps us to understand intercultural dimensions, and we must be aware that we will learn this throughout our lives. Culture is a wide range of concepts, social norms and values, so that they can be completely taken over and fully identified with them. For this reason, in this work only certain factors and definitions are presented. Theoretical part of this work contains the definitions of negotiations and the international negotiations. There is also the presentation of countries that form ex Yugoslavija, while while in the empirical part of this work we summarized the actual experiences of the employees, that have been conducted in the in-depth interview, and obtained important information and guidelines that will be usefully presented to other business people who are already actively involved or have the intention to cooperate with business partners in the research region in the future. The concluding part summarizes the main findings. We can say, that for successful negotiation in the countries of former Yugoslavija, you need to know ther religion and respect it, and that is the factor that will guarantee long term relationships with them. Most of all, they need you to be a person, a good man. Personal relations are more important than making business, relationships are based on knowledge of people on a personal and business level, which need to be maintained in a coordinated manner (even when we are not in proactive cooperation with a partner, it is necessary to maintain a relationship, to contact or to visit them, to bring them gifts). We can also conclude that the way of negotiations in the countries of the former Yugoslavia does not differ much more strongly than the European one, since they actively strive for European standards.