Suchergebnisse

In international as in domestic politics group ac tivity has become influential. Organizational and propaganda techniques have enabled these groups to claim an enlarged role in the decisions both of foreign offices and of intergovernmen tal organizations. Whether the form of activity which in the United States is synonomous with pressure groups is a universal phenomenon is a question awaiting systematic analysis. In the United States governmental structure, undisciplined political parties, the industrial and communications revolutions have combined to widen the opportunities open to citizens' groups to participate in the making of policy. Due to the necessity of compromise between the conflicting aims of such groups, the results of their activities in terms of foreign policies are rarely consistent. The external environment raises the armed serv ices, already practiced in lobbying, to a new height of influence in grand strategy. Participation by international nongovern mental organizations in making policy with wider scope and effect has been recognized in the United Nations and other postwar charters. In a nation-state system in which national ism builds up new states while the technology of security tends to undermine old ones, the modern system of pressure groups introduces an element of democratic control over policy, but with mixed effects on the welfare of peoples.

Examines the flow of information from intergovernmental organizations (IGOs) to users in libraries; reviews eight agencies. Includes discussion of access to IGO data bases.

Japan's changing international role / Mike M. Mochizuki -- The domestic foundations of Japan's international contribution / Masaru Kohno -- War renunciation, Article 9, and security policy / Jitsuo Tsuchiyama -- Participation in UN peacekeeping operations / Go Ito -- A defense posture for multilateral security / Michael O'Hanlon -- Adapting to global economic change / Edward J. Lincoln -- Building stable international financial relations / Yoshiko Kojo -- Responding to the Asian financial crisis / Juichi Inada -- The politics of memory in Japanese foreign relations / Thomas U. Berger -- The role of human rights: the case of Burma / Catharin Dalpino -- Dealing with a rising China / Mike M. Mochizuki -- The pragmatic liberalism of an adaptive state / Thomas U. Berger

Explores the issue of North-South representation through states & nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) by examining African state diplomatic representation to the Bretton Woods institutions & the US. Problems analyzing NGOs are laid out, revealing the complicated alliances that develop in the diplomatic community. Attention turns to formal African diplomatic representation & NGO activities on behalf of African constituencies in Washington, DC. Representation of an individual African state operates in various fora, & there is little official interaction between NGOs & these fora. In this light, Bush administration initiatives for Africa are considered in terms of how states & NGOs clash when their policy goals conflict & when they compete for resources with tandem interests. Some suggestions are offered for improved African state & citizen representation in formal international institutions. J. Zendejas

I use a unique dispute between major aid donors in the International Whaling Commission (IWC) to investigate whether donor nations change their aid giving in response to changes in aid recipients' voting behavior inside international organizations (IOs). This relationship is difficult to pin down in most IOs because agenda items constantly change and donor coalitions fluctuate with them. I exploit the fact that the IWC has, on the one hand, seen two fixed aid donor blocs opposing each other for three decades over a single issue, but has on the other hand seen rich variation in both membership and voting behavior of aid recipient countries. Using an identification strategy that relates changes in bilateral aid to within-recipient variation in IWC voting-bloc affiliation and fixed cross-sectional variation in donors' voting bloc, the evidence suggests that Japan rewards joining the pro-whaling bloc, and that countries who recently experienced aid reductions from the three big anti-whaling donors - the U.S., the U.K., and France - are more likely to join the pro-whaling bloc.