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2526 Rustenburg. Magisterial districts as at January 1992. - 4th ed. 1984. - 1985.; 2528 Pretoria. Magisterial districts as at December 1991. - 3rd ed. 1984. - 1986.; 2626 West Rand. Magisterial districts as at November 1993. - 2nd ed. 1984. - 1984.; 2628 East Rand. Magisterial districts as at April 1993. - 3rd ed. 1984. - 1986

Insbesondere seit 1984 sind zunehmende Polarisierung der Bevölkerungsgruppen und eskalierende Lynchjustiz in Form der sogenannten 'Halskrausen-Methode' zu einer üblichen Form der gesellschaftlichen Auseinandersetzung in der RSA geworden. Versuch einer Analyse der soziologischen Hintergründe dieser Entwicklung: Bedeutung traditioneller Glaubensvorstellungen und Praktiken; das Konzept der sofortigen Bestrafung; die Rolle der Medien und Gerüchte; gruppendynamische Verhaltensweisen; Frustrations- und Agressionsphänomene. Vorherrschend ist das Motiv der Einschüchterung, um die Gesellschaft im Sinne einer revolutionären Strategie unregierbar zu machen. Notwendigkeit weiterer Forschung auf diesem Gebiet. (DÜI-Hlb)

Aufzählung der in den letzten Monaten verkündeten Reformmaßnahmen, die von der UDF allesamt als unerheblich abgetan worden sind. Verurteilung des Alles-oder-Nichts-Standpunkts der UDF. Die Schwarzen mißtrauen den Reformbestrebungen und sehen sie als eine Rekonstruktion der Apartheid in neuer Form. Die UDF lehnt einen Dialog mit der Regierung ab, weil sie ihre Legitimation aus Protestaktionen zieht. Möglicherweise zieht sie auch Revolution der Verhandlungspolitik vor; Verhandlungen scheinen deshalb noch in weiter Ferne. (DÜI-Hlb)

Angesichts der strukturellen Wachstumsprobleme Südafrikas wird seit einiger Zeit immer häufiger von der sogenannten 'inward industrialization' gesprochen, mit der man die gegenwärtige Wachstumsschwäche zu überwinden hofft. Noch ist jedoch sehr verschwommen, was genau unter diesem neuen Begriff zu verstehen ist. Der vorliegende Beitrag analysiert die strukturellen Rahmenbedingungen, die die derzeitige Stagnation der südafrikanischen Wirtschaft kennzeichnen, und entwickelt modellhafte Vorstellungen, wie über 'inward industrialization' (z.B. in Form von öffentlichen und privaten Baumaßnahmen) Arbeitsplätze und Einkommen geschaffen werden können, die wiederum zu induzierter Nachfrage nach Verbrauchs- und Investitionsgütern führen und damit weitere Arbeitsplätze bereitstellen. (DÜI-Hlb)

In this article I discuss how various collective art projects involving artists and curators using the city as an exhibition site have transformed artistic discourse in Iceland. Chantal Mouffe´s conception of public space as a battleground and art practices as agnostic interventions into this space raise questions about the branding and commodification of art and cultural institutions. Mouffe believes that despite the unrestrained commercial control of the urban landscape, artists still have the possibility of intervening in the political and economic status quo. Employing Mouffe´s analyses as a guiding principle, the study confirms that the permanent value of art in public spaces need not be limited to individual artists' form, style or content, but may be capable of mobilizing political, critical and artistic discussions within the urban community.

This article surveys the ouevre of the Icelandic writer Jakobína Sigurðardóttir (1918-1994) on the occasion of her centenary. Various aspects of her novels, short stories, poetry and memoirs are examined, including the ways in which she presents time in her texts – time as it pertains to individual life spans and the interaction of different generations, as well as time in the life of a nation which could be said to have switched abodes in the course of the 20th Century, moving from rural to urban settings, and during this time the island nation attained sovereignty and independence. narrative is a key element in treating time and historical shifts, and attention is paid to the ways in which Sigurðardóttir both renews realist traditions and resorts to more radical narrative forms, pulling the reader into an active dialogue on gender and generational issues, on social justice and equality, as well on the routes and conditions which connect and mould places of dwelling – individual houses as well as the abode of the nation.

Á mannöld (e. anthropocene), þegar loftslagsbreytingar af mannavöldum ógna framtíð okkar og boða endalok þeirrar heimsmyndar sem við þekkjum, vaknar óhjákvæmilega sú spurning hvort pláss sé fyrir bókmenntir, eins og við höfum þekkt þær. Fyrstu tveir áratugir tuttugustu og fyrstu aldar hafa einkennst af æ fleiri örforlögum sem fara gegn straumnum, en starfsemi þeirra grundvallast á breyttu viðhorfi til bókmennta, bókaútgáfu og bókarinnar sem slíkrar. Þau vinna út frá hefð framúrstefnunnar og stefna að því að umbylta ríkjandi fagurfræði og menningarstarfsemi. Þær breytingar sem verða á bókmenntavettvanginum með tilkomu örforlaga fela í sér áherslur sem lagðar eru á: bókverk, takmarkað upplag, tilraunakennd form og fagurfræði, stefnumarkandi texta og gjörninga og loks annars konar dreifingu verka. Þessi stefnubreyting á menningarvettvanginum er í takt við svokallaða valsældarhyggju (e. alternative hedonism) sem einkennist af aukinni vistvitund og felur í sér að einstaklingur finnur nautn í því að neyta minna og á annan hátt. Ég mun leitast við að sýna fram á hvernig starfsemi örforlaga tengist gagnrýni slíkrar valsældarhyggju á kapítalisma og hvernig hún er ein athyglisverðasta birtingarmynd nýrrar umhverfisverndarorðræðu í bókmenntum Norðurlanda.

The article addresses the early years of film in iceland, where the goal is to deepen our knowledge of the main participants in introducing and promoting cinema in iceland at the turn of the 19th century. Two years spanning a three-year period mark the beginnings of the age of film in iceland. The former is 1901 when the Dutch filmmaker F. A. Nöggerath came to film iceland and icelanders for an English film company. The latter year is 1903, when the Norwegian, Rasmus Hallseth and the Swede David Fernander, traveled around the country to screen films for the first time in iceland. These two visits mark the emergence of cinema in iceland. iceland-ers had little prior knowledge of the new medium, which was getting to be widely known around the world, apart from the coverage of newspapers and stories of lucky icelanders who had experienced film screenings abroad. Shows using a predecessor of film, the magic lantern, were held by Sigfús Eymundsson and Þorlákur ó. Jo-hnson in the 19th century. After the introduction of films in 1903, several people put together funds to buy Hallseth's and Fernanders' equipment and began to exhibit films on their own. However, daily performances did not happen until Reykjavik Biograftheater (later ,,Gamla Bíó") was established in 1906. After several attempts by various parties to hold regular screenings in Reykjavik, one could say that cinema did not properly settle in iceland until the establishment of Nýja Bíó in 1913.

There has for many years been legal recognition of Traditional Leaders in South African laws, such as the Black Administration Act 38 of 1927 and regulations and proclamations issued in terms of other legislation. Recently legal recognition was confirmed in the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa Act 108 of 1996. Additional recognition of Traditional Leaders and the institution of Traditional Leadership is found in the various provincial legislation providing for Provincial Houses of Traditional Leaders and the establishment and functioning of the National Council of Traditional Leaders. Yet the institution of Traditional Leadership has over the past few years given rise to much controversy. There are those who argue that the institution is outdated and others who regard Traditional Leaders as custodians of customary values and the only leaders who are truly responsible for the well being of communities historically and religiously entrusted to them. Traditional leaders fulfil a variety of functions in rural society, including that of presiding officer in customary courts, mediator of disputes, advisor in agricultural and family matters, guardian of young, old, infirm and abandoned. They perform legislative, executive and judicial functions according to the wish of the majority of the members of the tribe. It became apparent, that de facto Traditional Authorities are the only existing form of local government in rural areas in South Africa. It seems unlikely that, in the foreseeable future, it will be financially, politically or practically possible to replace this form of rural government with a comprehensive and sustainable alternative. The future role of Traditional Leadership in the development process is significant in that in addition to the recognition afforded by the Constitution and other legislation, the development law, unfolding in modern day South Africa under a new development paradigm, distinctly provides for Traditional Leaders to play a significant role in rural development and development planning at local government level in rural areas. The role and function of the Traditional Leaders of South Africa in the rural development process unfolds as the Integrated planning process comes into operation as envisaged in section 10 of the Local Government Transition Act 209 of 1993 read with the .principles contained in the Development Facilitation Act 67 of 1995. The development principles and the regulations prescribing the process of formulating land development objectives, provides for an inclusive process in which all role players and stakeholders are to be involved. In practice this means that communities, community organizations and institutions, as concerned role players in civil society, are also the concerned and key role players in the development planning and development process at local level. No plan and development strategy will therefore meet the prescribed legal requirements of acceptable development planning standards, if the rural communities and their leaders are not directly and actively involved. Much of the confusion and conflict between Traditional Leadership and Customary Law Councilors on the one hand and elected Local Government Councilors on the other, arose as a result of a misunderstanding of the valuable support role which Traditional Leaders can play in the development process. The difference in the nature and scope of the tasks of elected and traditional community leaders provide a rich multi-facet basis on which a successful local governance system can be developed within the context of the current constitutional-legal framework in South Africa. In many other countries in Africa it was only realized after repeated failures of rural development experiments, that Traditional Leaders and Traditional Authorities constitute a most valuable asset in the rural development process.

This essay offers a succinct but comprehensive overview of Icelandic cinema from its early 20th-century emergence to the present day. Split into two parts, the first half focusses on filmmaking in Iceland prior to the founding of the Icelandic Film Fund in 1978, which was to establish a continuous local film production for the first time. Prior to that filmmaking in Iceland boiled down to the occasional efforts of local amateurs, albeit often quite skilled ones, and professional filmmakers visiting from abroad. Indeed, the few silent feature films made in the country all stemmed from foreign filmmakers adapting Icelandic literature and taking advantage of its photogenic landscapes. The first Icelandic feature was not made until 1948 and although immensely popular, like those that followed in its wake, the national audience was simply too small to sustain filmmaking without financial support. Although this changed fundamentally with the Icelandic Film Fund, which instigated contemporary Icelandic cinema and the subject of the essay's second half, the Fund's support proved insufficient as the novelty of Icelandic cinema began to wear off at the local box office in the late 1980s. The rescue came from outside sources, in the form of nordic and European film funds, whose support was to transnationalize Icelandic cinema in terms of not only financing and production but also themes and subject material. These changes are most apparent in Icelandic cinema of the 1990s which also began to garner interest at the international film festival circuit. In the first decade of the twenty first century, however, American genre cinema began to replace the European art film as the typical model for Icelandic filmmakers. Hollywood itself also began to show extensive interest in Icelandic landscapes for its runaway productions, as did many other foreign film crews. In this way Icelandic cinema is increasingly characterized by not only national and transnational elements but also international ones.