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International audience ; The supranational identity concepts and their perception among nations constitute one of the determinants of the integration and disintegration processes in the post-Soviet area. One of these concepts is Turkism – an attempt to create identity foundation for the integration of the post-Soviet states under the aegis of Turkey. This paper analyzes the evolution of its principal assumptions and goals, dimensions of its realization, as well as determinants of its further development in the post-Soviet area. The idea of Turkism as a concept of ethnic-cultural community evolved from the nineteenth- century Pan-Turkism which postulated political integration of the Turkic nations. Among the determinants that limited political ambitions of Turkey after the collapse of the USSR, therecan be indicated: nationalisms as an expression of ruling elites' interests, lack of supranational community feeling among the societies, concerns about the possible reaction of Moscow and fears raised by the Turkish hegemonic ambitions. As a result, Turkey started to put emphasis on bilateral relations with the post-Soviet partners and concentrate on cooperation in economic and social sphere, including cultural and educational activities. Although, even there the success of Turkey was incomplete, the viability of this pragmatic approach was proved by the revival of political dimension of mutual contacts in 2006–2008 and their institutionalization. In the coming years the following factors may determine the development of Turkism in the post-Soviet area: growing ambitions of Turkey as a regional player, dynamics of relations between Ankara, former Soviet republics, the West and Moscow, domestic policy challenges in the post-Soviet states, their developmental needs in the globalized world, and last but not least: the role of Ankara in strengthening the post-Soviet states' multi-vector foreign policy as a method to maximize benefi ts from international cooperation. Divergent national and elites' interests of the ...

The main goal of the Eastern Partnership (EaP) is political and economic stabilization of the region threatened both by its post-Soviet systemic predicaments such as weakness of state institutions, the gap between the ruling oligarchy and citizens and corruption, and by Russia's attempts to maintain or extend its sphere of influence, which involves fomenting separatist tendencies of minorities and promoting anti-EU narratives. Among the six EaP countries, Georgia is most advanced in implementing reforms; however, there is still immense work to be done, despite the EU's economic and technical support. Another aspect of the EU's involvement in the region is the security dilemma whether to accept Russia's influence in the former Soviet republics together with authoritarian models of governing or to make efforts towards democratization of those countries, risking the increase of Russian hostility, an example of which could be seen in 2014 conflict with Ukraine.

The main goal of the Eastern Partnership (EaP) is political and economic stabilization of the region threatened both by its post-Soviet systemic predicaments such as weakness of state institutions, the gap between the ruling oligarchy and citizens and corruption, and by Russia's attempts to maintain or extend its sphere of influence, which involves fomenting separatist tendencies of minorities and promoting anti-EU narratives. Among the six EaP countries, Georgia is most advanced in implementing reforms; however, there is still immense work to be done, despite the EU's economic and technical support. Another aspect of the EU's involvement in the region is the security dilemma whether to accept Russia's influence in the former Soviet republics together with authoritarian models of governing or to make efforts towards democratization of those countries, risking the increase of Russian hostility, an example of which could be seen in 2014 conflict with Ukraine.

The issue of the forms of deciding an administrative case has not yet been analysed in a comprehensive manner. First of all, attention used to be paid to individual forms of deciding on an administrative case, namely: administrative decision, administrative ruling, administrative settlement and deciding an administrative case in a tacit manner. If there were collective generalizations made, they came down to administrative decision and administrative ruling, which are classified as classic administrative acts, while the recent introduction of non-typical forms of deciding an administrative case, i.e. administrative settlement and deciding an administrative case in a tacit manner, makes us re-consider the characteristics of their catalogue; in particular, it should be noted at this point that they constitute a substitute for an administrative decision, which is considered to be a classic administrative act. The evolution of the forms of deciding on an administrative case leads to the conclusion that their relationship with the administrative jurisdiction has ceased to be so obvious. ; Zagadnienie form załatwienia sprawy administracyjnej nie było dotąd analizowane w sposób kompleksowy. Przede wszystkim bowiem zwracano uwagę na poszczególne formy załatwienia sprawy administracyjnej, a mianowicie: decyzję administracyjną, postanowienie administracyjne, ugodę administracyjną i milczące załatwienie sprawy administracyjnej. Jeżeli dochodziło już do zbiorczych uogólnień, to ograniczały się one do decyzji administracyjnej i postanowienia administracyjnego, które zalicza się do klasycznych aktów administracyjnych. Tymczasem wprowadzenie ostatnio nietypowych form załatwienia sprawy administracyjnej, czyli ugody administracyjnej i milczącego załatwienia sprawy administracyjnej, zmusza do ponownej refleksji teoretycznej nad charakterystyką wyróżnionego ich katalogu. W szczególności należy podkreślić, że stanowią one substytut rozstrzygnięcia administracyjnego, za jaki uznaje się klasyczny akt administracyjny. Ewolucja form załatwienia sprawy administracyjnej prowadzi zatem do wniosku, że ich związek z jurysdykcją administracyjną przestaje być oczywisty.

The article presents the institution of an administrative agreement from the perspec-tive of legal solutions in force in selected European countries. The increase in the number and diversity of tasks performed by the administration and the multitude of conducted proceedings encourage the search for alternative forms of settling a case in relation to an administrative decision. The administrative agreement is one of them. The analysis of foreign regulations confirms that the institution in question belongs to the modern procedural laws. The scope of regulation varies, as do the individual solutions concerning the admissibility and mode of concluding the contract, its subject matter, the mechanisms for removing defects, the grounds for contestability of the contract and its enforceability. It turns out that in individual European orders two patterns of regulation dominate: French and German, although they are subject to significant modifications. The performance of certain public tasks by private parties on the basis of an administrative agreement provides for certain guarantees not only for the parties to the agreement but also for the beneficiaries of those tasks. This particular type of contract allows adequate protection of the public interest. The prevalence of the administrative agreement in Europe prompts the author to formulate a conclusion on the need to include this institution in the home system. The attempt made in the 2017 reform of the Administrative Procedure Code to include in it an administrative agreement was unsuccessful. The provisions on an administrative agreement that were then drafted were intended to give a deeper meaning to mediation, a new institution in administrative proceedings, which is currently not popular. Mediation was to precede the conclusion of an administrative agreement. However, there are no significant obstacles to returning to work on the regulation of this institution, which is so widely used in other European countries, and which is clearly lacking in its home Code ; The article presents the institution of an administrative agreement from the perspec-tive of legal solutions in force in selected European countries. The increase in the number and diversity of tasks performed by the administration and the multitude of conducted proceedings encourage the search for alternative forms of settling a case in relation to an administrative decision. The administrative agreement is one of them. The analysis of foreign regulations confirms that the institution in question belongs to the modern procedural laws. The scope of regulation varies, as do the individual solutions concerning the admissibility and mode of concluding the contract, its subject matter, the mechanisms for removing defects, the grounds for contestability of the contract and its enforceability. It turns out that in individual European orders two patterns of regulation dominate: French and German, although they are subject to significant modifications. The performance of certain public tasks by private parties on the basis of an administrative agreement provides for certain guarantees not only for the parties to the agreement but also for the beneficiaries of those tasks. This particular type of contract allows adequate protection of the public interest. The prevalence of the administrative agreement in Europe prompts the author to formulate a conclusion on the need to include this institution in the home system. The attempt made in the 2017 reform of the Administrative Procedure Code to include in it an administrative agreement was unsuccessful. The provisions on an administrative agreement that were then drafted were intended to give a deeper meaning to mediation, a new institution in administrative proceedings, which is currently not popular. Mediation was to precede the conclusion of an administrative agreement. However, there are no significant obstacles to returning to work on the regulation of this institution, which is so widely used in other European countries, and which is clearly lacking in its home Code

The article presents the institution of an administrative agreement from the perspec­tive of legal solutions in force in selected European countries. The increase in the number and diversity of tasks performed by the administration and the multitude of conducted proceedings encourage the search for alternative forms of settling a case in relation to an administrative decision. The administrative agreement is one of them. The analysis of foreign regulations confirms that the institution in question belongs to the modern procedural laws. The scope of regulation varies, as do the individual solutions concerning the admissibility and mode of concluding the contract, its subject matter, the mechanisms for removing defects, the grounds for contestability of the contract and its enforceability. It turns out that in individual European orders two patterns of regulation dominate: French and German, although they are subject to significant modifications. The performance of certain public tasks by private parties on the basis of an administrative agreement provides for certain guarantees not only for the parties to the agreement but also for the beneficiaries of those tasks. This particular type of contract allows adequate protection of the public interest. The prevalence of the administrative agreement in Europe prompts the author to formulate a conclusion on the need to include this institution in the home system. The attempt made in the 2017 reform of the Administrative Procedure Code to include in it an administrative agreement was unsuccessful. The provisions on an administrative agreement that were then drafted were intended to give a deeper meaning to mediation, a new institution in administrative proceedings, which is currently not popular. Mediation was to precede the conclusion of an administrative agreement. However, there are no significant obstacles to returning to work on the regulation of this institution, which is so widely used in other European countries, and which is clearly lacking in its home Code. ; 53 ; 73 ; 2

The Monuments of History is a collection of over 100 most valuable monuments in Poland. At the same time, the Monuments of History are one of the 5 forms of protection of monuments, specified in Polish legislation. These circumstances make it necessary to assess the functioning of this form of the monuments protection. Many elements in the concept of the Monuments of History, the procedure of their nomination and the substantive assessment are taken over from the UNESCO World Heritage System. Therefore, this system may be a point of reference for the evaluation of the functioning of the Monuments of History. At the same time, on the basis of this comparison, it is possible to indicate directions for improving the functioning of the Monuments of History. The paper discusses fundamental aspects of the functioning of the Monuments of History – including the place and role of the Monuments of History in the Polish system of the monuments protection, the procedure of nomination, the procedure of evaluation, the relationship of the Monuments of History with the assets of the UNESCO World Heritage. ; Pomniki Historii to zbiór ponad 100 najcenniejszych zabytków w Polsce. Jednocześnie Pomniki Historii to jedna z 5 form ochrony zabytków, określonych w polskim prawodawstwie. Te okoliczności sprawiają, że konieczna jest ocena funkcjonowania tej formy ochrony zabytków. Wiele elementów w koncepcji Pomników Historii, procedurze ich nominowania, oraz merytorycznej ocenie jest przejętych z systemu Światowego Dziedzictwa UNESCO. Dlatego też ten system możne być punktem odniesienia do oceny funkcjonowania Pomników Historii. Jednocześnie w oparciu o to porównanie można wskazać kierunki doskonalenia funkcjonowania Pomników Historii. W artykule omówiono zasadnicze aspekty funkcjonowania Pomników Historii – m.in. miejsce i rolę Pomników Historii w polskim systemie ochrony zabytków, procedury nominowania, procedurę oceny, relację Pomników Historii z dobrami Światowego Dziedzictwa UNESCO.

Foreign relations between the Soviet Union and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) during the Cold War were based on support of the North Korean regime and a distrustful attitude toward Kim Il‑sung, who remained neutral in the Soviet‑Chinese split. After the political transformation, the Russian Federation is pursuing pragmatic policy toward the DPRK. Moscow seeks to deepen economic cooperation in order to maintain security in Northeast Asia. The aim of this article is to analyse the USSR's and Russia's relations with the DPRK. The author describes events before, during and after the Cold War. The article draws attention to the extent to which national interests and the foreign policy of the Russian Federation coincide and differ from those pursued by the Democratic People's Republic of Korea.

Wojna izraelsko-arabska, rewolucja w Iranie czy wojna w Zatoce Perskiej pokazały, jak ważne dla gospodarki światowej i poszczególnych narodów jest bezpieczeństwo energetyczne. W kontekście geopolityki, na zagadnienie to składają się trzy główne kwestie: wystarczalność złóż własnych, infrastruktura magazynowa i najważniejsze – poziom uzależnienia od dostaw "trzecich", w tym ich dywersyfikacja. Bezpieczeństwo energetyczne nabiera również szczególnego znaczenia w konfrontacji z dynamizmem otoczenia politycznego, jako czynnik pozamilitarny. Przyjęte teorie geopolityki energetycznej uwypuklają sferę rywalizacji, a czynnikiem determinującym są bardzo często surowce naturalne. To stwierdzenie w sposób jednoznaczny określa rolę Rosji na europejskim rynku gazowym, a szczególnie jej wpływ na bezpieczeństwo energetyczne byłych republik radzieckich. Koncepcja "pieriemyczki", która między innymi została omówiona w niniejszym artykule, ma istotne znaczenie – szczególnie w kontekście aktualnych wydarzeń na Ukrainie. Jej realizacja może wywołać nieodwracalne konsekwencje polityczne dla pozostałych państw byłego ZSRR: Mołdawii czy państw Kaukazu, przyjmując formę "precedensu transformacyjnego". ; The Arab-Israeli War, the Revolution in Iran and the Gulf War demonstrated the importance of the energy security for the world's economy and individual economies of particular nations. In the context of geopolitics this issue is composed of three main issues: the sufficiency of their own resources, storage facilities , and most importantly - the level of dependence on the third-party supplies, including their diversification. Energy security, as a non-military factor, also takes on a special meaning in the confrontation with the dynamics of the political environment. The commonly accepted theories on energy geopolitics emphasize the sphere of rivalry, and the determining factor is often the issue of natural resources. This statement clearly defines the role of Russia in the European gas market, particularly its impact on the energy security of the former Soviet republics. The concept of "pieriemyczka" which, among other things, will be discussed in this article , is important - especially in the context of current events in the Ukraine. Its implementation can cause irreversible political consequences for the other countries of the former Soviet Union: Moldova and the Caucasus, by taking the form of an "unprecedented transformation". ; Małgorzata Sikora-Gaca

Azja Centralna nie jest obszarem priorytetowego zainteresowania ze strony Unii Europejskiej. Choć relacje z państwami regionu nawiązano zaraz po uzyskaniu przez byłe republiki radzieckie niezależności i intensywnie próbowano rozwijać przez następne lata, dzisiejsze efekty współpracy wynikające ze wzajemnych zobowiązań nie są satysfakcjonujące. Celem artykułu jest analiza priorytetów polityki zagranicznej Unii Europejskiej wobec Azji Centralnej po roku 2012. Priorytety zostały przedstawione w dwóch ujęciach: regionalnym i krajowym. Analizie podlegał pełen zakres dokumentów prawnych określających ramy wzajemnych relacji,jak i szersze spektrum obustronnych deklaracji politycznych. Kluczowymi elementami analizy stały się: uwarunkowania kreowania priorytetów politycznych, utworzony mechanizm instytucjonalny niezbędny do kształtowania decyzji politycznej, jak i realizacji założeń współpracy. Artykuł porusza także główne wyzwania w uznanych za kluczowe wymiarach współpracy.Końcowa część analizy prowadzi do wniosków pozwalających na ocenę możliwości realizacji założonych celów polityki unijnej w relacjach z państwami Azji Centralnej. ; Central Asia is not a priority for the European Union. Relations with the states in this region were established immediately after the former Soviet republics won independence but, despiteattempts at rapid advancement there, the results of mutual cooperation and mutual commitments have been unsatisfactory. The objective of this paper is to analyze the priorities of the European Union's policy towards Central Asia after 2012. These priorities are viewed from the regional and national perspectives. The analysis studies a comprehensive range of legal documents to establish the framework of mutual relations and the broad range of mutual political declarations. The key elements of this analysis involve examining the determinants that have shaped the political priorities, the institutional mechanisms established for the purpose of political decision-making and the conduct of collaboration. The paper also looks at the main challenges faced in those areas of cooperation that are deemed crucial. The final part of the analysis leads to conclusions that make it possible to assess how feasible it is to implement EU policies in relations with Central Asian states.

Azja Centralna nie jest obszarem priorytetowego zainteresowania ze strony Unii Europejskiej. Choć relacje z państwami regionu nawiązano zaraz po uzyskaniu przez byłe republiki radzieckie niezależności i intensywnie próbowano rozwijać przez następne lata, dzisiejsze efekty współpracy wynikające ze wzajemnych zobowiązań nie są satysfakcjonujące. Celem artykułu jest analiza priorytetów polityki zagranicznej Unii Europejskiej wobec Azji Centralnej po roku 2012. Priorytety zostały przedstawione w dwóch ujęciach: regionalnym i krajowym. Analizie podlegał pełen zakres dokumentów prawnych określających ramy wzajemnych relacji, jak i szersze spektrum obustronnych deklaracji politycznych. Kluczowymi elementami analizy stały się: uwarunkowania kreowania priorytetów politycznych, utworzony mechanizm instytucjonalny niezbędny do kształtowania decyzji politycznej, jak i realizacji założeń współpracy. Artykuł porusza także główne wyzwania w uznanych za kluczowe wymiarach współpracy. Końcowa część analizy prowadzi do wniosków pozwalających na ocenę możliwości realizacji założonych celów polityki unijnej w relacjach z państwami Azji Centralnej. ; Central Asia is not a priority for the European Union. Relations with the states in this region were established immediately after the former Soviet republics won independence but, despite attempts at rapid advancement there, the results of mutual cooperation and mutual commitments have been unsatisfactory. The objective of this paper is to analyze the priorities of the European Union's policy towards Central Asia after 2012. These priorities are viewed from the regional and national perspectives. The analysis studies a comprehensive range of legal documents to establish the framework of mutual relations and the broad range of mutual political declarations. The key elements of this analysis involve examining the determinants that have shaped the political priorities, the institutional mechanisms established for the purpose of political decision-making and the conduct of collaboration. The paper also looks at the main challenges faced in those areas of cooperation that are deemed crucial. The final part of the analysis leads to conclusions that make it possible to assess how feasible it is to implement EU policies in relations with Central Asian states.

The paper discusses the issue of mediation as one of the forms of solving criminal conflicts. The author presents, among others, the problem of mediation in connection with the principles of restorative justice, the issue of the mediation models accepted in criminal proceedings and also makes an attempt of indicating other forms of conflict solving based on negotiations. The author also makes a brief description of the shaping of lawmaker's motives in the case of mediation and then refers to contemporary issues of mediation proceedings. ; Artykuł obejmuje problematykę mediacji jako jednej z form rozwiązania konfliktu karnego. Autorka przedstawia m.in. kwestię mediacji w odniesieniu do założeń sprawiedliwości naprawczej, kwestię przyjętych modeli mediacji w postępowaniu karnym, a także podejmuje próbę wskazania innych form rozwiązania konfliktu, opartych na negocjacjach. Krótko opisuje historyczny proces kształtowania się założeń ustawodawczych mediacji, by następnie odnieść się do aktualnych, wybranych zagadnień postępowania mediacyjnego.

The fundamental problem faced by the states that have emerged in the area of the former USSR involved the definition of the desired form of their own political regime. The choices made in this respect in the first stage of political transformation were frequently limited only to the formal stipulation of model legal and constitutional solutions. The post-communist elite wielding power in the new states was characterized by a desire to form a one-man organ of state in the form of a strong president. The absence of democratic traditions and the negative legacy of the USSR have profoundly influenced the processes of shaping the political regimes in the post-Soviet area, and have actually become the predominant reason to legitimize authoritarianism. Only a few states of the former USSR have decided to adopt a model of governance other than a strong presidential system. Latvia deserves attention in this respect, as it has decided to reinstate the tested political principles of the interwar period. In the process of political transformation, the Latvian political elite has opted for the parliamentary system of governance and chose a weak presidency and the primacy of parliament. The transformation process was quickly completed allowing Latvia to be classified today as a non-consolidated democracy. Moldova's adopting the system of parliamentary governance in 2000 was, in turn, an unintentional result of a political conflict caused by the President's endeavors to form a strong presidential system. Moldovan parliamentarianism is a product of a protracted shaping of the institutional foundations of the political system and a byproduct of political competition between the legislative and executive powers. The domination of Communists on the Moldovan political stage, however, resulted in the state's appropriation by one group and President Vladimir Voronin, who enjoyed a great influence exerted both on the parliamentary majority (as the leader of the ruling party) and the government, despite the formal system providing for a parliamentary republic. There emerged a dangerous precedent of the President exceeding his rights and thus becoming the actual leader of a formally parliamentary republic. In the period from 2001–2009, Moldova was a system of controlled democracy where apparently democratic institutions were in fact a cover for undivided, informal power wielded by a small circle. This triggered a social revolution in 2009 and early parliamentary elections, which resulted in a transfer of power and the establishment of a coalition of liberal and democratic parties clearly expressing their intention to implement market reforms and European integration. Despite political obstruction in Moldova's shaping of its political system, the country stands out among the former post-Soviet republics. It is the only state in the Commonwealth of Independent States where a continuous and uninterrupted cycle of the transfer of power by means of elections can be observed to conform to the law and constitution since the country declared independence in 1991. ; The fundamental problem faced by the states that have emerged in the area of the former USSR involved the definition of the desired form of their own political regime. The choices made in this respect in the first stage of political transformation were frequently limited only to the formal stipulation of model legal and constitutional solutions. The post-communist elite wielding power in the new states was characterized by a desire to form a one-man organ of state in the form of a strong president. The absence of democratic traditions and the negative legacy of the USSR have profoundly influenced the processes of shaping the political regimes in the post-Soviet area, and have actually become the predominant reason to legitimize authoritarianism. Only a few states of the former USSR have decided to adopt a model of governance other than a strong presidential system. Latvia deserves attention in this respect, as it has decided to reinstate the tested political principles of the interwar period. In the process of political transformation, the Latvian political elite has opted for the parliamentary system of governance and chose a weak presidency and the primacy of parliament. The transformation process was quickly completed allowing Latvia to be classified today as a non-consolidated democracy. Moldova's adopting the system of parliamentary governance in 2000 was, in turn, an unintentional result of a political conflict caused by the President's endeavors to form a strong presidential system. Moldovan parliamentarianism is a product of a protracted shaping of the institutional foundations of the political system and a byproduct of political competition between the legislative and executive powers. The domination of Communists on the Moldovan political stage, however, resulted in the state's appropriation by one group and President Vladimir Voronin, who enjoyed a great influence exerted both on the parliamentary majority (as the leader of the ruling party) and the government, despite the formal system providing for a parliamentary republic. There emerged a dangerous precedent of the President exceeding his rights and thus becoming the actual leader of a formally parliamentary republic. In the period from 2001–2009, Moldova was a system of controlled democracy where apparently democratic institutions were in fact a cover for undivided, informal power wielded by a small circle. This triggered a social revolution in 2009 and early parliamentary elections, which resulted in a transfer of power and the establishment of a coalition of liberal and democratic parties clearly expressing their intention to implement market reforms and European integration. Despite political obstruction in Moldova's shaping of its political system, the country stands out among the former post-Soviet republics. It is the only state in the Commonwealth of Independent States where a continuous and uninterrupted cycle of the transfer of power by means of elections can be observed to conform to the law and constitution since the country declared independence in 1991.

This chapter presents how important place the energy resources occupy in the policy of the Russian Federation. Many countries, including Ukraine, Belarus and Georgia strongly feel the Russian "petro-force", based on taking advantage of oil and gas as a tool of foreign policy. That power is founded on the superiority of the Russian economy and its dominant position in the region. In recent years, Russia is using its energy potential. Openly rewards allies and punishes enemies, carefully using a variety of tactics, from threats or prices increase to absolute embargoes, that cause loss to the Moscow's opponents, both in terms of economic and increased political instability. Kremlin's energy policy is a threat to all countries that import Russian oil and gas, especially in the case of small, poor, dependent states, which Russia considers to be near abroad (ближнее зарубежье) the former Soviet republics. However, the Russian authorities use their influence not only to reward friends and punish enemies, trying to regain its influence over the region. Also express the ambitions of regaining power, because the impact of the Kremlin goes far beyond the direct neighbors. ; Publikacja recenzowana ; Niniejszy artykuł ukazuje, jak istotne miejsce zajmują surowce energetyczne w polityce Federacji Rosyjskiej. Wiele państw, w tym Ukraina, Białoruś czy Gruzja, silnie odczuwają rosyjską "petro-siłę", opartą na wykorzystywaniu zasobów ropy naftowej i gazu jako narzędzia polityki zagranicznej. Potęga ta bazuje na przewadze rosyjskiej gospodarki i jej dominującej pozycji w regionie. W ostatnich latach Rosja wykorzystuje swój potencjał energetyczny. Otwarcie wynagradza sprzymierzeńców i karze wrogów, starannie wykorzystując różnorodne taktyki, od gróźb czy podniesienia cen do bezwarunkowych embarg, które wywołują straty u przeciwników Moskwy, zarówno pod względem ekonomicznym jak i zwiększonej niestabilności politycznej. Polityka energetyczna Kremla jest zagrożeniem dla wszystkich państw, które importują rosyjską ropę naftową i gaz, szczególnie w przypadku państw małych, biednych, zależnych, które Rosja uznaje za bliską zagranicę (ближнее зарубежье), tj. byłe republiki radzieckie. Jednakże rosyjskie władze wykorzystują swoje wpływy nie tylko, by nagradzać przyjaciół i karać wrogów, starając się odzyskać swoje wpływy nad regionem. Wyrażają również ambicje odzyskania potęgi, ponieważ wpływ działań Kremla wykracza daleko poza bezpośrednich sąsiadów.

The fundamental problem faced by the states that have emerged in the area of the former USSR involved the definition of the desired form of their own political regime. The choices made in this respect in the first stage of political transformation were frequently limited only to the formal stipulation of model legal and constitutional solutions. The post-communist elite wielding power in the new states was characterized by a desire to form a one-man organ of state in the form of a strong president. The absence of democratic traditions and the negative legacy of the USSR have profoundly influenced the processes of shaping the political regimes in the post-Soviet area, and have actually become the predominant reason to legitimize authoritarianism. Only a few states of the former USSR have decided to adopt a model of governance other than a strong presidential system. Latvia deserves attention in this respect, as it has decided to reinstate the tested political principles of the interwar period. In the process of political transformation, the Latvian political elite has opted for the parliamentary system of governance and chose a weak presidency and the primacy of parliament. The transformation process was quickly completed allowing Latvia to be classified today as a non-consolidated democracy. Moldova's adopting the system of parliamentary governance in 2000 was, in turn, an unintentional result of a political conflict caused by the President's endeavors to form a strong presidential system. Moldovan parliamentarianism is a product of a protracted shaping of the institutional foundations of the political system and a byproduct of political competition between the legislative and executive powers. The domination of Communists on the Moldovan political stage, however, resulted in the state's appropriation by one group and President Vladimir Voronin, who enjoyed a great influence exerted both on the parliamentary majority (as the leader of the ruling party) and the government, despite the formal system providing for a parliamentary republic. There emerged a dangerous precedent of the President exceeding his rights and thus becoming the actual leader of a formally parliamentary republic. In the period from 2001–2009, Moldova was a system of controlled democracy where apparently democratic institutions were in fact a cover for undivided, informal power wielded by a small circle. This triggered a social revolution in 2009 and early parliamentary elections, which resulted in a transfer of power and the establishment of a coalition of liberal and democratic parties clearly expressing their intention to implement market reforms and European integration. Despite political obstruction in Moldova's shaping of its political system, the country stands out among the former post-Soviet republics. It is the only state in the Commonwealth of Independent States where a continuous and uninterrupted cycle of the transfer of power by means of elections can be observed to conform to the law and constitution since the country declared independence in 1991.