Suchergebnisse

Despina Karakatsani, La discipline de socialisation politique en Grèced'après-guerre: Γ ((Education du citoyenDans la cadre de cet article on essaie de dévoiler la manière dont lacrise idéologique et politique de la période post-guerre civile a été reflétéedans l'institution scolaire et en particulier dans la discipline principalede socialisation politique: l'éducation civique. Dans le climat anticommunistede cette époque l'école, un des principaux appareils idéologiquesde l'Etat, a été utilisée pour effacer toute idéologie communisteet pour promouvoir les valeurs de la Nation, de la Patrie, de l'Hellénismeet du Ghrisrianisme.Les différentes initiatives du pouvoir politique ainsi que des personnalitésdans le cadre de la politique éducative de la Grèce d'après-guerreafin de moraliser le citoyen et construire une citoyenneté conforme auxvaleurs de la civilisation greco-chrétienne font aussi objet de cet article.L'institutionnalisation de la discipline d'«Education du citoyen»dans l'enseignement primaire en 1957 a été dictée, d'après ceux qui ontfait cette proposition, par la nécessité de renforcer les liens entre le citoyenet le pouvoir politique après leur affaiblissement à cause de la propagandecommuniste. L'analyse des manuels de la forme principale d'éducationcivique de cette période prouve que les valeurs avancées étaient cellesde Nation-de Patrie, d'Hellénisme, de Famille et de Religion-Orthodoxie.L'éducation du citoyen exalte la beauté de la patrie grecque en larendant en même temps symbole de toute l'humanité, et impose auxfuturs citoyens comme devoirs l'amour de celle-là, l'obéissance par l'accomplissementdes devoirs militaires et le respect des monuments anciens.Une conception communautaire des différentes formes sociopolitiques estégalement adoptée qui reconnaît l'individu seulement en tant que membredes différentes équipes sociales et lui prescrit le devoir d'obéir aux normesde l'ensemble, ce qui signifie également l'anéantissement de ses droits, l'annulation de toute individualité, de toute forme de critique et decontestation.La autodiscipline en faveur de l'ordre et de l'harmonie sociale dansle cadre du «bon comportement», la charité, le travail et l'épargne constituentles caractéristiques d'un individu moral et civilisé, du citoyenidéal, que l'éducation civique et tout le système éducatif grec de cettepériode veut créer. ; Despina Karakatsani, La discipline de socialisation politique en Grèced'après-guerre: Γ ((Education du citoyenDans la cadre de cet article on essaie de dévoiler la manière dont lacrise idéologique et politique de la période post-guerre civile a été reflétéedans l'institution scolaire et en particulier dans la discipline principalede socialisation politique: l'éducation civique. Dans le climat anticommunistede cette époque l'école, un des principaux appareils idéologiquesde l'Etat, a été utilisée pour effacer toute idéologie communisteet pour promouvoir les valeurs de la Nation, de la Patrie, de l'Hellénismeet du Ghrisrianisme.Les différentes initiatives du pouvoir politique ainsi que des personnalitésdans le cadre de la politique éducative de la Grèce d'après-guerreafin de moraliser le citoyen et construire une citoyenneté conforme auxvaleurs de la civilisation greco-chrétienne font aussi objet de cet article.L'institutionnalisation de la discipline d'«Education du citoyen»dans l'enseignement primaire en 1957 a été dictée, d'après ceux qui ontfait cette proposition, par la nécessité de renforcer les liens entre le citoyenet le pouvoir politique après leur affaiblissement à cause de la propagandecommuniste. L'analyse des manuels de la forme principale d'éducationcivique de cette période prouve que les valeurs avancées étaient cellesde Nation-de Patrie, d'Hellénisme, de Famille et de Religion-Orthodoxie.L'éducation du citoyen exalte la beauté de la patrie grecque en larendant en même temps symbole de toute l'humanité, et impose auxfuturs citoyens comme devoirs l'amour de celle-là, l'obéissance par l'accomplissementdes devoirs militaires et le respect des monuments anciens.Une conception communautaire des différentes formes sociopolitiques estégalement adoptée qui reconnaît l'individu seulement en tant que membredes différentes équipes sociales et lui prescrit le devoir d'obéir aux normesde l'ensemble, ce qui signifie également l'anéantissement de ses droits, l'annulation de toute individualité, de toute forme de critique et decontestation.La autodiscipline en faveur de l'ordre et de l'harmonie sociale dansle cadre du «bon comportement», la charité, le travail et l'épargne constituentles caractéristiques d'un individu moral et civilisé, du citoyenidéal, que l'éducation civique et tout le système éducatif grec de cettepériode veut créer.

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; The declaration of the establishment of the «Kingdom of Serbs, Groats and Slovenes» on the 1st of December, 1918 —which in 1929 was renamed to Yugoslavia— fulfilled the long standing desire for the political unification of all South-Slavs. However, the new State which apart from the three old kingdoms of Serbia, Montenegro and Croatia included the entities of the former Hungarian Vojvodina, the former Austrian Slovenia and Dalmatia and the Serbian Macedonia had to tackle certain problems. Its subjects were divided into several ethnic groups: Serbs, Croats and Slovenes —who constituted three quarters of its entire population— and Germans, Hungarians and Albanians as well as other ethnic minorities. The population of the new state was also divided into three religious categories: 47% were Orthodox Christians, 39% Catholics, and 11% Muslims. This paper attempts to analyze five constructive crises which came about in interwar Yugoslavia, and are characteristic of any modern state: 1) The crisis of identity of the state itself and of the various ethnic groups. The ideology of Yugoslavian unification failed to bridge the differences between the ethnic and religious groups; 2) The crisis of legitimacy. This is related with the nature of the regime. From 1918 until the dictatorship of 1929 twenty three governmental crises occured; 3) The crisis of integration, as reflected in the policies and the electoral results of the various political parties which had clear ethnic and geographical limits. During the interwar period none of the existing political parties attained to play this integrating role by securing mass support throughout the country; 4) The crisis of participation of individuals and social groups in controlling the public affairs and manning the state apparatus; 5) The crisis of distribution of goods and services. The ethnic and political contradictions between the Slovenes and Croats in the North and Serbs in the South resulted in the uneven development between these two geographical districts of the state.

Published in print by Universitätsverlag der TU Berlin, ISBN 978-3-7983-2906-5 ; Thanks to its vitality, the art scene in Athens, faced with the economic and political crisis, is met with an increased attention by media and specialist publishers. The Catalogue and the accompanying exhibition in Berlin and Athens – running parallel to documenta 2017 in Kassel and Athens – pose crucial questions regarding the relation of economic crisis, art production and new forms of political art. A social research undertaken in 2016, interviewed and photographed Greek and international artists working in Athens in various art forms, ranging from street art, painting, sculpture and installations to photographic art. The seriousness and passion, with which the artists follow their visions under adverse life conditions, is impressive. The biographical photographic portraits of 14 artists reflect their artistic and political positions, and are in dialogue with the presented works, which results in a vivid insight into the relation of art, biography, and political crisis. The accompanying essays discuss the sociological and aesthetic conception of the "artists' exhibition", the social impact of the economic crisis in Greece, contemporary art and crisis, the importance of street art in Athens, and the art scene in the crisis. The appendix gives a description of ATLAS.ti, a software developed at Technische Universität Berlin, and its use by professionals in the field of culture. ; Die Athener Kunstszene erfährt durch ihre Lebendigkeit angesichts der ökonomischen und politischen Krise Griechenlands gegenwärtig in Medien und Fachpresse eine gesteigerte Aufmerksamkeit. Der Katalog und das begleitende Ausstellungsprojekt in Berlin und Athen stellen - begleitend zur documenta 2017 in Athen und Kassel - aktuelle Fragen zum Zusammenhang zwischen ökonomischer Krise, künstlerischer Produktion und neuen Formen politischer Kunst in Griechenland. In einer sozialwissenschaftlichen Recherche im Jahr 2016 wurden in Athen tätige Künstlerinnen und Künstler interviewt und fotografiert, von der Street Art über Malerei, Bildhauerei, Installationen bis zur Fotokunst. Beeindruckend ist die Ernsthaftigkeit und Leidenschaft, mit der die Kunstschaffenden, zum Teil unter großen Entbehrungen, ihre Visionen verfolgen. 14 biografisch-fotografische Künstlerporträts reflektieren die jeweilige künstlerisch-politische Position und treten in einen Dialog mit den ausgestellten Werken, so dass sich ein lebendiger Einblick in das Verhältnis von Kunst, Biografie und politischer Krise ergibt. In den begleitenden Essays werden die sozialwissenschaftlich-ästhetische Konzeption der "Künstler-Ausstellung", die sozialen Folgen der Krise in Griechenland, die griechische Gegenwartskunst und die besondere Bedeutung der Street Art in Athen diskutiert. Im Anhang wird ATLAS.ti, eine an der TU Berlin entwickelte Software, in ihrer Bedeutung für Kulturschaffende vorgestellt. ; Χάρις στη ζωτικότητά της, η καλλιτεχνική σκηνή στην Αθήνα, εν καιρώ οικονομικής και πολιτικής κρίσης, κινεί το ενδιαφέρον τόσο των ΜΜΕ όσο και των εκδοτών του είδους. Ο Κατάλογος μαζί με την συνοδευτική έκθεση σε Αθήνα και Βερολίνο -η οποία θα γίνει παράλληλα με την έκθεση "documenta 2017", που θα παρουσιαστεί στο Κάσσελ της Γερμανίας και στην Αθήνα- εγείρουν κρίσιμα ερωτήματα γύρω από τη σχέση οικονομικής κρίσης, καλλιτεχνικής παραγωγής και νέων μορφών πολιτικής τέχνης. Μια κοινωνιολογική έρευνα, που πραγματοποιήθηκε το 2016, φωτογράφησε και πήρε συνεντεύξεις από διάφορους καλλιτέχνες, Έλληνες και μη, που δουλεύουν στην Αθήνα με ποικίλες μορφές τέχνης, από street art, εικαστικά, γλυπτική και εγκαταστάσεις μέχρι και φωτογραφία. Η σοβαρότητα και το πάθος με τα οποία οι καλλιτέχνες ακολουθούν το όραμά τους υπό αντίξοες συνθήκες, προκαλεί αίσθηση. Τα φωτογραφικά πορτρέτα των 14 καλλιτεχνών αντανακλούν τις καλλιτεχνικές και πολιτικές αντιλήψεις τους, ενώ ταυτόχρονα συνδιαλέγονται με τα παρουσιαζόμενα έργα, προσφέροντας έτσι μια διεισδυτική ματιά στη σχέση τέχνης, βιογραφίας και πολιτική κρίσης. Τα συνοδευτικά άρθρα, πραγματεύονται την κοινωνιολογική και αισθητική σύλληψη της "έκθεσης των καλλιτεχνών", τις κοινωνικές επιδράσεις της οικονομικής κρίσης στην Ελλάδα, τη σχέση σύγχρονης τέχνης και κρίσης, τη σημασία της τέχνης του δρόμου στην Αθήνα και την καλλιτεχνική σκηνή εν καιρώ κρίσης. Στο παράρτημα παρουσιάζεται το λογισμικό "ATLAS.ti", που δημιουργήθηκε στο Technische Universität του Βερολίνου, καθώς και η χρήση του από επαγγελματίες στον χώρο του πολιτισμού.

Dimitrios Stamatopoulos, The Church as State: representations of the Orthodoxmillet and the model of constitutional monarchy (second half of thenineteenth century)The institutionalised introduction of secular elements into the administrationof the Patriarchate of Constantinople after the ratification ofthe General Regulations (1860-1862) created the conditions for the emergenceof a discourse aimed at the internal reorganization of ecclesiasticalinstitutions based on the state model. This model was adopted not onlyby reform-minded circles but also by representatives of the clericalistwing, each with completely different political aims. The model of constitutionalmonarchy appeared as the most «functional» for solving thecentral political problem posed by the clericalist wing in the discussion:how could a regime of patriarchal centralization be applied without confutingthe essence of reform. This model of constitutionality prevailednot only because the reformers preferred it as an alternative version ofrestructuring the millet but because the clericalists espoused and promotedit in the form of a state model: that of the constitutional monarchy.And their aim was not only to prevent the domination of thelay element but also to avoid the formation of a public sphere, whichin any case in Eastern and Southeastern Europe was inherent in theemergence of a discourse on nation and nationalism. ; Dimitrios Stamatopoulos, The Church as State: representations of the Orthodoxmillet and the model of constitutional monarchy (second half of thenineteenth century)The institutionalised introduction of secular elements into the administrationof the Patriarchate of Constantinople after the ratification ofthe General Regulations (1860-1862) created the conditions for the emergenceof a discourse aimed at the internal reorganization of ecclesiasticalinstitutions based on the state model. This model was adopted not onlyby reform-minded circles but also by representatives of the clericalistwing, each with completely different political aims. The model of constitutionalmonarchy appeared as the most «functional» for solving thecentral political problem posed by the clericalist wing in the discussion:how could a regime of patriarchal centralization be applied without confutingthe essence of reform. This model of constitutionality prevailednot only because the reformers preferred it as an alternative version ofrestructuring the millet but because the clericalists espoused and promotedit in the form of a state model: that of the constitutional monarchy.And their aim was not only to prevent the domination of thelay element but also to avoid the formation of a public sphere, whichin any case in Eastern and Southeastern Europe was inherent in theemergence of a discourse on nation and nationalism.

Konstantinos Katsoudas, "A Dictatorship that is not a Dictatorship". Spanish Nationalists and the 4th of August The Spanish Civil War convulsed the international public opinion and prompted most foreign governments to take measures or even intervene in the conflict. Greek entanglement either in the form of smuggling war materiel or the participation of Greek volunteers in the International Brigades has already been investigated. However, little is known about a second dimension of this internationalization of the war: the peculiar forms that the antagonism between the two belligerent camps in foreign countries took. This paper, based mainly on Spanish archival sources, discusses some aspects of the activity developed in Greece by Franco's nationalists and the way Francoist diplomats and emissaries perceived the nature of an apparently similar regime, such as the dictatorship led by general Metaxas. The main objectives of the Francoist foreign policy were to avoid any escalation of the Spanish civil war into a world conflict, to secure international assistance for the right-wing forces and to undermine the legitimacy of the legal Republican government. In Greece, an informal diplomatic civil war broke out since Francoists occupied the Spanish Legation in Athens and Republicans took over the Consulate in Thessaloniki. The Francoists combined public and undercover activity: they worked hard to achieve an official recognition of their Estado Nuevo, while at the same time created rings of espionage and channels of anticommunist propaganda. The reason of their partial breakthroughs was that, contrary to their Republican enemies, the Nationalists enjoyed support by a significant part of the Greek political world, which was ideologically identified with their struggle. Francoist anti-communism had some interesting implications for Greek politics. An important issue was the Francoist effort to reveal a supposed Moscow-based conspiracy against Spain and Greece, both considered as hotbeds of revolution in the Mediterranean, in order to justify both Franco's extermination campaign and Metaxas' coup. Although this effort was based on fraudulent documents, forged by an anti-Bolshevik international organization, it became the cornerstone of Francoist and Metaxist propaganda. General Metaxas was the only European dictator to invoke the Spanish Civil War as a raison d'etre of his regime and often warned against the repetition of Spanish-like drama on Greek soil. Nevertheless he did not approve of Franco's methods and preferred Dr. Salazar's Portugal as an institutional model closer to his vision. For Spanish nationalist observers this was a sign of weakness. They interpreted events in Greece through the disfiguring mirror of their own historic experience: thus, although they never called in question Metaxas' authoritarian motives, the 4th of August regime was considered too mild and soft compared to Francoism (whose combativeness and fanaticism, as they suggested, the Greek General should have imitated); it reminded them the dictatorship founded in Spain by General Primo de Rivera in 1920s, whose inadequacy paved the way for the advent of the Republic and the emergence of sociopolitical radicalism. Incidents of the following years, as Greece moved towards a civil confrontation, seemed to strengthen their views. ; Konstantinos Katsoudas, "A Dictatorship that is not a Dictatorship". Spanish Nationalists and the 4th of AugustThe Spanish Civil War convulsed the international public opinion and prompted most foreign governments to take measures or even intervene in the conflict. Greek entanglement either in the form of smuggling war materiel or the participation of Greek volunteers in the International Brigades has already been investigated. However, little is known about a second dimension of this internationalization of the war: the peculiar forms that the antagonism between the two belligerent camps in foreign countries took. This paper, based mainly on Spanish archival sources, discusses some aspects of the activity developed in Greece by Franco's nationalists and the way Francoist diplomats and emissaries perceived the nature of an apparently similar regime, such as the dictatorship led by general Metaxas. The main objectives of the Francoist foreign policy were to avoid any escalation of the Spanish civil war into a world conflict, to secure international assistance for the right-wing forces and to undermine the legitimacy of the legal Republican government. In Greece, an informal diplomatic civil war broke out since Francoists occupied the Spanish Legation in Athens and Republicans took over the Consulate in Thessaloniki. The Francoists combined public and undercover activity: they worked hard to achieve an official recognition of their Estado Nuevo, while at the same time created rings of espionage and channels of anticommunist propaganda. The reason of their partial breakthroughs was that, contrary to their Republican enemies, the Nationalists enjoyed support by a significant part of the Greek political world, which was ideologically identified with their struggle. Francoist anti-communism had some interesting implications for Greek politics. An important issue was the Francoist effort to reveal a supposed Moscow-based conspiracy against Spain and Greece, both considered as hotbeds of revolution in the Mediterranean, in order to justify both Franco's extermination campaign and Metaxas' coup. Although this effort was based on fraudulent documents, forged by an anti-Bolshevik international organization, it became the cornerstone of Francoist and Metaxist propaganda. General Metaxas was the only European dictator to invoke the Spanish Civil War as a raison d'etre of his regime and often warned against the repetition of Spanish-like drama on Greek soil. Nevertheless he did not approve of Franco's methods and preferred Dr. Salazar's Portugal as an institutional model closer to his vision. For Spanish nationalist observers this was a sign of weakness. They interpreted events in Greece through the disfiguring mirror of their own historic experience: thus, although they never called in question Metaxas' authoritarian motives, the 4th of August regime was considered too mild and soft compared to Francoism (whose combativeness and fanaticism, as they suggested, the Greek General should have imitated); it reminded them the dictatorship founded in Spain by General Primo de Rivera in 1920s, whose inadequacy paved the way for the advent of the Republic and the emergence of sociopolitical radicalism. Incidents of the following years, as Greece moved towards a civil confrontation, seemed to strengthen their views.

Zoi Mella, The Greek Civil War and the Spanish Press during Franco's DictatorshipIn this article we would like to approach a quite unknown subject: the presence of the Greek Civil War in the Spanish Press. Our objective was to ascertain the impact this event had at the post war Spanish Press. How would react Spain in view of such a confrontation, especially since it had already experimented a Civil War? It was a complicated period for Greece, as well as for Spain, a time when both countries experienced problems of different nature but equally serious: Greece was suffering the devastating consequences of the Second World War and Spain was trying to encounter the contempt of the international political world. The Greek Civil War was the first confrontation between two worlds that were exiting reinforced from the Second World War. It became the field of conflict between the USSR and the Anglo-Saxon allies during several years. The interior problem of some rebels, who couldn't, or wouldn't, adapt themselves to the new post war situation or were discontented with the new regime, was transformed to an international matter of great impact, that managed to confront USSR, on one hand, and the US and Great Britain, on the other, in the International Organism of the United Nations. Our interest was centred in the various approaches that the newspapers and the magazines of the time made. Moreover we were interested in the points of view and the conclusions manifested by the diverse papers, according to their political and ideological affinities, without forgetting the strict regime of control and censure that was in force at that moment. This investigation forms part of a broader subject that is the bilateral relations of these two countries, rather different at first sight, that during the XX century were affected by very similar events, such as a civil war. ; Zoi Mella, The Greek Civil War and the Spanish Press during Franco's DictatorshipIn this article we would like to approach a quite unknown subject: the presence of the Greek Civil War in the Spanish Press. Our objective was to ascertain the impact this event had at the post war Spanish Press. How would react Spain in view of such a confrontation, especially since it had already experimented a Civil War? It was a complicated period for Greece, as well as for Spain, a time when both countries experienced problems of different nature but equally serious: Greece was suffering the devastating consequences of the Second World War and Spain was trying to encounter the contempt of the international political world. The Greek Civil War was the first confrontation between two worlds that were exiting reinforced from the Second World War. It became the field of conflict between the USSR and the Anglo-Saxon allies during several years. The interior problem of some rebels, who couldn't, or wouldn't, adapt themselves to the new post war situation or were discontented with the new regime, was transformed to an international matter of great impact, that managed to confront USSR, on one hand, and the US and Great Britain, on the other, in the International Organism of the United Nations. Our interest was centred in the various approaches that the newspapers and the magazines of the time made. Moreover we were interested in the points of view and the conclusions manifested by the diverse papers, according to their political and ideological affinities, without forgetting the strict regime of control and censure that was in force at that moment. This investigation forms part of a broader subject that is the bilateral relations of these two countries, rather different at first sight, that during the XX century were affected by very similar events, such as a civil war.

Στην παρούσα εργασία παρατίθενται οδηγίες υπό τη μορφή «οδηγού χρήσης» για τη χρήση του δικτυακού τόπουτης Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης, EUR-Lex. Η επίσημη αυτή ιστοσελίδα της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης παρέχει τη δυνατότητα σε οποιονδήποτε έχει πρόσβαση στο διαδίκτυο μέσω ηλεκτρονικού υπολογιστή να προβεί σε αναζήτηση και εύρεση Ευρωπαϊκής νομοθεσίας, όπως Κανονισμών, Αποφάσεων και Οδηγιών. Περιγράφονται με λεπτομέρεια οι διάφοροι τρόποι με τους οποίους μπορεί να γίνει η αναζήτηση της νομοθεσίας, ενώ παράλληλα εξηγείται ο τρόπος αξιολόγησης και διαχείρισης των αποτελεσμάτων της αναζήτησης. Η χρήση του δικτυακού τόπου είναι ελεύθερη (δεν απαιτείται συνδρομή) και αποτελεί ίσως το ευκολότερο και αμεσότερο εργαλείο ενημέρωσης των κτηνιάτρων αναφορικά με την ισχύουσα Ευρωπαϊκή νομοθεσία που αφοράσε όλους τους τομείς της Κτηνιατρικής Επιστήμης. ; This article contains instructions in the form of a "user's manual" for the use of the "EUR-Lex" web site, which is the official European Union site for access to the European Union legislation. Anyone having access to the internet can conduct searches using the "EUR-Lex" website and retrieve results pertaining to the European Union legislation, such as Regulations, Decisions and Directives. This article contains descriptions of the different ways and approaches for conducting searches as well as descriptions and directions on evaluating and further handling the search results. The use of the "Eur-Lex" web site is free of charge (no subscription is necessary). The "Eur-Lex" site is undoubtedly the easiest and most direct tool for accessing the European Legislation in force and constitutes an invaluable resource for veterinarians, who wish to keep up to date with European Union legislation pertaining to all aspects of Veterinary Medicine.

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Tonia Kafetzaki, Female Contention and Communist Commitment: Working Women in the Midwar Novels and Essays of Galateia Kazantzaki The paper examines the representations of working women in the midwar novels of Galateia Kazantzaki (1881-1962), the relation of these representations to the author's political views on female labor —as articulated in two essays written in the same period—, as well as the manner in which her views are integrated into the discussion of these issues during this time period, specifically in the confrontation between the radical feminists, the socialists and the communists. G. K. was a writer with an enduring interest in the social status of women, an intellectual who actively participated in the debates of the Left regarding the role of art, and unswerving in her commitment to the communist movement. Including women in her work, she intended to denounce the decay of the bourgeois system that imposes upon women additional forms of exploitation, to tackle issues regarding the status of her female contemporaries and to examine women's labor in relation to women's emancipation perceived as a change in mentality and morals. Her prose in its entirety, literary and political, is an interesting expression of female contention in the period between the wars, an expression consistent with the basic tenets of the communist party, conversant with the views of the radical feminist scene, and showing a clear proximity to socialist opinions. Revealing a broader and more liberal attitude regarding women's labor and women's issues than the political party she is affiliated to, she chiefly expresses her concern for attaining a new female ethos, a new consciousness.

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Photini Danou, The words of the voiceless Did ordinary men and women in pre-modern England have an opinion about politics? What was "politics" for the common people at a time when they had not any say in choosing who would rule them? Was popular engagement in state politics only to secure subsistence? Were "knife and fork" politics of the masses so separate from issues of "high politics" of the State? Was pre-modern commoners' mentality, "pre-political" as well? This paper discusses early modern popular political awareness. I argue that commoners in Tudor England pursued their own political agenda, by exploiting the sovereign's self-image as the "protector of the poor". However, as I set out to show, in pursuing their political agenda commoners also raised issues on the content of Englishness, common good, patriotism, legitimate governance and the right of resistance. The political identity of the lower strata was not an entity fixed in its essence. On the contrary, plebeian political identity was rather shifting, changeable, and always constituting its content in particular historical contexts. The commoners' commitment to the ideal of the"nation", their loyalty to the government, their allegiance to their Queen, their obedience to her laws, or their active participation in the enforcement of state policies were not unconditional. The ways they practiced their political identity was interrelated to their superiors' behavior and draw its legitimacy from the public transcript of the English Common wealth. Common prosperity, reciprocity, solidarity and, in general, protection of the poorer and weaker members of English society were ideals that constituted the meaning of "common wealth" in the plebeian mind. Those ideals were prerequisites for their giving of devotion and loyalty to the state. Thus, the commoners' political mentality and behavior ranged from national loyalty to indifference or even animosity to state officials; from cooperation and acquiescence to covered or overt forms of opposition and active resistance.

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Maria Damilakou, The image of the gaucho in the argentine society (1830- 1940): ideological uses and historiographie approaches This article attempts to show the different images of the gaucho, symbol of the argentine pampa, that predominated the local society as long as to associate them to the different interpretations of the historical past and the process of construction of the argentine national identity. This process required contacts, confrontations and interchanges among different social groups and sectors, such as the lower classes, the intellectual and political elites, the marginal rural element and the new coming immigrants. The construction of the gaucho's image was a long process, extended from the first half of the 19th century until the peronist years. From the «heroic son of the earth» who stood up the Spanish conquerors during the Revolution of 1810, he became the «barbarian of the desert» through the discourse of the illuminated elite that, during the second half of the 19th century, undertook the national organization of the country, its fast modernization and the creation of «obedient citizens». During the same period, the popular culture provided a different aspect of the gaucho, especially through the figures of Martin Fierro and Juan Moreira: the gaucho now became the center of a large cultural phenomenon that was picturing the rural way of life, codified common experience and expectations and became a form of resistance to the process of modernization. Later, in the 1910s, the image of the «obedient» Martin Fierro was adopted by the cultural nationalism of the period and used as the symbol of the argentine national identity and as the incarnation of the argentine essence and soul. At last, the leftwing forces adopted the gaucho as the symbol of the oppressed social groups, whereas the nationalist movements of the 1930s used his image in order to support their revisioned interpretations about the national historical past.

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Visant à stimuler d'une part le dialogue entre anthropologues et historiens/iennes et d'autre part les débats concernant les problèmes epistémologiques et politiques que posent l'histoire et l'anthropologie des femmes et des sexes, l'Association des Études Néohelléniques organisa une table-ronde sur les approches historiques et anthropologiques du «gender» et procéda à la publication des quatre interventions des collègues invités: Eleni Fournaraki examine certaines étapes du déplacement que connût récemment l'histoire des femmes, centrée sur les terrains spécifiques où les expériences des femmes ont été historiquement formées —démarche répondant à un besoin toujours actuel—, vers une «nouvelle synthèse historique»; celle-ci renouvelle le questionnement de l'histoire des femmes (et de l'histoire en général), en posant au centre de l'analyse les rapports masculin-féminin (en relation avec d'autres formes d'inégalité sociale) et le sexe, conçu comme construction culturelle. Efthymios Papataxiarchis se réfère aux différentes conceptions théoriques actuelles du sexe (le sexe comme rôle, relation et construction) et commente leurs conséquences cognitives plus larges pour l'anthropologie; examinant aussi ces conséquences pour le virage anthropologique de l'histoire, il constate une certaine difficulté de l'histoire à appliquer la théorie du sexe comme construction. Alexandra Bakalaki en analysant la contribution de l'anthropologie à la décomposition du sexe en tant qu'élément constitutif du sujet, se demande si en effet «l'anthropologie des femmes est pour l'anthropologie ce que l'enfance est pour la maturité»; elle estime que l'assertion ci-dessus, assez repondue actuellement au sein des anthropologues, est trop simpliste, car d'une part elle tend à «oublier» la critique de l'anthropologie des femmes à la «règle)) ethnocentrique et sexuée imposée par les «pères» de l'anthropologie, et d'autre part elle risque à sous-estimer certains problèmes, théoriques et politiques, que relève le virage vers l'anthropologie du sexe, indépendamment de son intérêt scientifique incontestable. Efi Avdela, en posant certaines questions plus générales sur l'historiographie, analyse deux stéréotypes qui accompagnent souvent la réception de l'histoire des femmes et/ou des sexes en Grèce: soit elle est envisagée comme un terrain cognitif discrédité car taxé d'usage politique-idéologique soit elle est considérée comme une thématique manquant d'intérêt scientifique.