Suchergebnisse

In this paper, we identify the main factors of confidence in institutions in the six former Yugoslav republics. Conceptually, we introduce two theoretical approaches: social capital theory and political approach. To test our hypotheses, we rely on European Value Study 2008 data, and we use OLS regression analysis. We conclude that the six countries are quite similar in terms of identified factors of confidence in institutions. Satisfaction with democracy proves to be the most reliable predictor of confidence in institutions in each country. Additionally, we conclude that social capital theory provides a better framework for explaining confidence in institutions, rather than the political approach.

Article analyses the processes of democratic consolidation in the former Yugoslav republics in the period since the volatile and violent breakup of socialist Yugoslavia three decades ago. Author is putting an emphasis on the notion of economic consolidation processes in all former Yugoslav republics and tests the thesis that economic consolidation is indeed the one prerequisite of democratic consolidation that suffered most direct effects of failed peaceful transformation in areas of former Yugoslavia that plunged into post-independence wars and conflicts. Author confirms that the secret to the democratic resilience is hidden in economic development – not only, as some theories claimed back in the 1960s (Lipset, 1959, p. 69–105), in various forms of undemocratic rule, but in a democracy built upon democratic institutions, respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms plus the rule of law.

Abstract. The neoliberal approach taken to the transition from socialism to capitalism in the six former Yugoslav republics has revealed its weaknesses in all spheres of economic activities, including food production. These countries have lost sovereignty with respect to regulating important national policy areas like food trade and production. Liberalisation of the food trade has adversely affected national economies by destroying many small-scale farmers and food producers. Corporate supermarkets have been taking over an ever bigger slice of the retail pie. Social movements are calling for direct democratic control over resources and food production to be regained. The article examines the prospects of these countries to overcome the increasing food insecurity by introducing food sovereignty. Keywords: former Yugoslav republics, food sovereignty, food security, right to food, economic democracy, trade liberalisation

The neoliberal approach taken to the transition from socialism to capitalism in the six former Yugoslav republics has revealed its weaknesses in all spheres of economic activities, including food production. These countries have lost sovereignty with respect to regulating important national policy areas like food trade and production. Liberalisation of the food trade has adversely affected national economies by destroying many small-scale farmers and food producers. Corporate supermarkets have been taking over an ever bigger slice of the retail pie. Social movements are calling for direct democratic control over resources and food production to be regained. The article examines the prospects of these countries to overcome the increasing food insecurity by introducing food sovereignty.

This paper examines marital market preferences and opportunities, given the
gender asymmetry of education and the limited supply of equally educated
partners (especially in the higher education segment), and explores
selection patterns resulting from new composite changes for at-risk
populations entering into a marriage. Specifically, we are researching mixed
marriages by education and changes in the patterns of that selection in the
former Yugoslav republics. The assessment of the impact of changes in
educational characteristics by gender on patterns of marital pairing and the
reduction of the level of educational hypergamy was performed by analysing
the movement of F-index and H-index values from 1970 to 2020 and their
correlation coefficient. The results showed that educational hypergamy is
declining in all countries and that the decline in hypergamy is positively
associated with the predominance of women among highly educated individuals.

AbstractThe first part of the article presents different and opposing theoretical approaches and discusses their explanatory value for the disintegration of the SRFY and the following wars in the Balkans, such as primordialism vs. constructivism, liberal vs. ethnic nationalism, accommodation vs. integration, neo-realism vs. liberalism in international relations and structure- vs. action-oriented approaches in sociology. In conclusion, it will be argued that these theoretical dichotomies have to be overcome and that there is a need for complementary research strategies in order to not only 'explain', but also to 'understand' the processes of ethnic mobilization as an actor-driven process of political mobilization by 'ethnic' entrepreneurs in order to create a security dilemma for their own goals in the ongoing fight for political power. The second part of the article then develops a framework for comparative empirical studies with reference to structural settings, the situational context and actors and introduces into the following articles by Mujkic and Harzl discussing, for instance, the structural similarities between communism and nationalism and the dysfunctionality of communism and federalism as historic legacies.

This paper describes the emergence of anti‐war initiatives in the former Yugoslavia against the background of the official nationalism of Communist elites and their post‐1990 successors. The author argues that anti‐war activism in the disintegrating state was a mobilization of the most articulate segment of a widespread, all‐Yugoslav, urban, cosmopolitan and genuinely non‐ethnonationalistic cultural identity. One of the reasons behind its easy suppression by the official rhetoric of ethnic homogeneity is its purely cultural stance and lack of experience in alternative forms of political organization. Dominant approaches to ethno‐nationalism in former Yugoslavia are criticised for essentializing ethnic identities, and contrasted with some interpretive approaches that analyze the structural preconditions of ethno‐nationalism as top‐to‐bottom projects of the ex‐Communist middle‐to‐high ranking functionaries in search of legitimacy and forced to create a 'democratic electorate.'

Examines problems with the international community's past approaches and proposes solutions for peaceful resolution. View that the Serbs are wrongly believed to be the aggressor, NATO sides with the Muslims, the US sides with Muslims and Croats, and UN operations are biased.