Suchergebnisse

The article analyses the frequency of interview addresses, as typologically
defined by Korošec (1998), in four radio interviews and four interview podcasts
featuring the same guests. In addition, some other textual strategies, such
as supporting signals and role reversals, are analysed. The journalistic interview
is a highly institutionalised form of one-way dialogue, which has indeed been
proven in radio interviews to a considerable extent. In podcasts, however, due
to the different production and listening practices, speech usually displays
more characteristics of everyday discourse, as was displayed in the choices of
interview addresses and other textual strategies in the analysed podcasts.
Keywords: interview, interview address, radio, podcast, everyday speech

Abstract. Informal carers' telecare acceptance decisions
depend on how their care recipients perceive telecare,
yet this relationship has not been researched very much.
This article draws on qualitative data gathered from
informal carers to explore reciprocity in telecare perceptions
within dyads of informal carers and care receivers.
A 4-month intervention study was conducted from
2018 to 2019 in the Central Slovenia region. A purposive
sample of 22 older adults and their informal carers
tested two telecare solutions. Thematic analysis was
conducted using Atlas.ti 8, with four themes emerging:
1. the benefits of telecare use for older adults; 2. reluctance,
rejection or negative perceptions of telecare; 3.
the potential violation of older adults' privacy; and 4.
the importance of external and internal information
for effective telecare use. This study confirms that that
telecare perception is dyadically interdependent.
Keywords: assistive technologies, informal care, ageing
in place, dyads, older adults

Abstract. In the article, we discuss how the political communication and interpersonal influence found in discussion networks add to fragmentation of the political space and the strengthening of political parties at the extremes of the political continuum. To this end, we analyse the mobilisation potential held by discussion networks of people who position themselves on the margins of the left–right political spectrum and compare them with the networks of those positioned in the centre and those who do not align themselves politically. The analysis focuses on four features of discussion networks: size, homogeneity, frequency of political discussion, and frequency of trying to persuade others. The results of the analysis show the most extensive mobilisation potential is found among people in the centre of the political continuum, while people on the far right and far left have networks that are the basis of intense political communication with people holding different political views but lack opportunities for the broad network dissemination of their political views and attitudes. Keywords: discussion networks, political communication, left-right political orientation

The war in Ukraine is the most significant threat to the peace of the Euro-Atlantic area in decades. After 4 years of Trump's weakening of transatlantic relations, Biden's presumed foreign policy doctrine includes their quick renewal, or re-Atlantisation. The article problematises the 'new' strategy of containment given Russia's aggression, the state of transatlantic relations, and the current global order's configuration, whereby the transatlantic bond is being strengthened and the formation of Biden's foreign policy doctrine is being followed by a 'grand-strategic' shift. Four different models of transatlantic relations (mutual autonomy, strategic autonomy, strategic partnership, situational partnership) are discussed where variables include the approach taken by the USA to transatlantic relations, and the approach of Europe's EU and NATO members to transatlantic relations are addressed. The main argument is that transatlantic relations during Biden's mandate have constantly oscillated between a stra-tegic partnership, especially related to common goals of democracy promotion and containment and situ-ational partnership. Situations like the war in Ukraine have simultaneously acted to strengthen the American–European partnership based on the shared security and political interests.Keywords: transatlantic relations, reatlantisation, USA, Europe, Biden doctrine, war in Ukraine, strategic part-nership, situational partnership

The primary goals of regional policy in Slovenia are reducing regional development disparities and ensuring balanced development based on the principles of sustainable development. This article examines the performance of Slovenian regions in achieving these goals in the socioeconomic and environmental fields after 2010. For this purpose, four synthetic indicators (gross domestic product per capita, ecological footprint per capita, development risk index and indicator of sustainable regional development) and 32 separate economic, social and environmental indicators, which are also included in the calculation of the indicator of sustainable regional development, were examined. Most of the economic and social indicators indicate progress towards the strategic development goals, while most of the environmental indicators show a shift away from them. ; Zmanjševanje regionalnih razvojnih razlik in uravnotežen razvoj, temelječ na načelih trajnostnega razvoja, sta osrednja cilja regionalne politike v Sloveniji, zato v članku preučujemo uspešnost slovenskih regij pri doseganju teh ciljev na socialno-ekonomskem in okoljskem področju po letu 2010. V ta namen so bili preučeni štirje sintezni kazalniki (bruto domači proizvod na prebivalca, ekološki odtis na prebivalca, indeks razvojne ogroženosti in kazalnik trajnostnega regionalnega razvoja) in 32 posameznih ekonomskih, socialnih in okoljskih kazalnikov, ki so vključeni tudi v izračun kazalnika trajnostnega regionalnega razvoja. Večina ekonomskih in socialnih kazalnikov kaže približevanje strateškim razvojnim ciljem, večina okoljskih pa oddaljevanje od njih.

The study of electoral campaigns is nowadays one of the very topical & popular themes in the field of the scientific-research work. Electoral campaigns can be defined in several ways & from several points of view. In this paper, a campaign is understood as a set of diverse activities performed to influence the electoral result. These activities can be studied according to the political-system, time-space, organizational & instrumental dimensions of their performance. The key purpose of the paper is to analyze & typologize the features of electoral campaigns of today's urban municipality mayors in Slovenia during their standing as candidates in local elections in 2006. By using various methodological & statistical approaches & tools, it was found out in the analyzed cases that electoral campaigns were an important part of the electoral process & that, according to planning features & implementing plans, they were very specific in all the studied municipalities. Because of this, the campaigns in the studied elections were characterized as particular & highly localized. Despite these particularities, four different types of campaigns were highlighted according to the groups of similar features: a) traditional campaigns; b) charismatic candidate campaigns; c) modern local campaigns & d) an intense campaign mosaic. Regardless of the particularities of the campaign activities & processes, it turned out that they played an important role at the local level of political activity. Adapted from the source document.

Predmet raziskave so poslovna pogajanja s skandinavskimi partnerji. Predstavili smo faze procesa poslovnih pogajanj, pogajalske pristope, v smislu strategije, tehnik in taktik pogajanj, predstavili tudi kulturo, kot pomemben dejavnik uspešnosti pogajanj ter podrobneje predstavili vse štiri skandinavske države. Študija je nastala v okviru raziskave poslovnih pogajanj s skandinavskimi partnerji v srednje velikem slovenskem podjetju X, ki uspešno posluje na mednarodnih trgih, tudi na skandinavskih. Z rezultati smo poudarili pomembnost procesa priprav na poslovna pogajanja, ki predstavljajo 90% uspeha na pogajanjih ter poznavanje in razumevanje kulturnih razlik v poslovnem svetu. Nepoznavanje navad in običajev tujih poslovnih partnerjev lahko povzroči nesporazume, nelagodje, napačno usmerjenost in napačno interpretacijo sporočil, ki negativno vplivajo na rezultate pogajanj. Kultura posameznikov pa vpliva tudi na pogajalski slog oziroma način, kako se mednarodni pogajalci iz različni okolij obnašajo med pogajanji. Skandinavski slog pogajanj ne izstopa premočno, a ima vseeno posebnosti, katerih poznavanje pri pogajanjih prinese veliko prednost. ; The subject of the survey is business negotiations with Scandinavian partners. We presented phases of the process of business negotiations, negotiation approaches, in terms of strategy, techniques and tactics, culture as an important factor for negotiations success and all four Scandinavian countries. The study is based on analysis of business negotiations with Scandinavian partners in the medium-sized Slovenian company X, working internationally, with significant share on Scandinavian market. The results of survey highlighted the importance of preparation for business negotiations, presenting 90% of the success in the negotiations, as well as the knowledge and understanding of cultural differences in the business world. Ignoring habits and customs of foreign business partners can lead to misunderstandings, discomfort, misconception and misinterpretation of messages, which can have a negative impact on the results of the negotiations. The culture of individuals also influences the negotiating style or the way in which international negotiators from different environments behave during the negotiation process. The Scandinavian style of negotiation does not stand out too much, but it still has some special features and recognition of those, can bring great advantage.

Avtor v članku opredeli štiri faze razvoja prebivalstva v mestu Maribor. Hitri rasti števila prebivalstva v 60. letih 20. stoletja je sledila stagnacija v 80. letih in nato depopulacija v 90. letih in po letu 2000. V primerjavi z drugimi večjimi mesti v Sloveniji je bila depopulacija najbolj intenzivna prav v Mariboru (med letoma 1981 in 2008 se je število prebivalcev zmanjšalo za okoli 12 %). Naravni prirast je v mestu konstantno negativen vse od leta 1985 dalje, selitveni prirast pa je bil negativen med letoma 1992 in 2007. Maribor med večjimi slovenskimi mesti izkazuje tudi najbolj neugodno starostno sestavo prebivalstva z najvišjim deležem starega prebivalstva in najvišjim indeksom staranja, po zadnjem popisu prebivalstva pa zaostaja za drugimi mesti tudi po deležu prebivalstva z višje ali visoko šolsko izobrazbo, čeprav je drugo največje univerzitetno mesto v Sloveniji. Glede na ugotovljene demografske značilnosti se bo v naslednjih dveh desetletjih v mestu bistveno povečal delež prebivalstva v starosti nad 65 let, kar bo zahtevalo nove oblike organiziranja dejavnosti v mestu in prilagajanja starejši populaciji. ; Author identified four stages of demographic development in the city of Maribor (Slovenia). Population growth in the 1960s was followed by stagnation of population in the 1980s and depopulation in the 1990s and after 2000. In Maribor, compared with other major cities in Slovenia, depopulation have been more intensive (between 1981 and 2008, the population decreased by about 12 %). Natural growth is constantly negative from 1985 onwards, and net migration was negative between 1992 and 2007. Maribor is also showing the most unfavorable age structure of the population with the highest proportion of the elderly population and the highest aging index. Furthermore, according to the last census it lags behind other towns in the share of population with high school education, although it is the second largest university town in Slovenia. Considering the established demographic characteristics, and significant increase of the share of the population over 65 years in the next two decades, this will require new ways of organizing activities in the city and its adaption to the elderly population.

For Le Corbusier, the architect was the authority on living and their role was to know what is best for humans, as it becomes evident from what he declares in The Athens Charter: "Who can take the measures necessary to the accomplishment of this task if not the architect who possesses a complete awareness of man, who has abandoned illusory designs, and who, judiciously adapting the means to the desired ends, will create an order that bears within it a poetry of its own? The paper is focused on the critique of the principles of the Athens Charter and its relation to the attempt to strengthen the articulations between architecture and its social, economic and political context. It examines Team 10's intention to replace the four functions — dwelling, work, recreation and transport — of the Charter of Athens by the concept of the "human association", on the one hand, and to incorporate within the scope of architecture reflections regarding the impact of scale on the design process, on the other hand. The CIAM X was structured around two groups representing the two conflicting generations. As Nicholas Bullock notes, in Building the Post-war World: Modern Architecture and Reconstruction in Britain, the group representing the older generation focused on the work of CIAM since its foundation in the form of a charter similar to the Athens Charter, while the group representing the younger generation tried to extend the work of CIAM to rethink, as Alison and Peter Smithson noted in 1956, "the basic relationships between people and life". The goal of the CIAM X, held in Dubrovnik between 19 and 25 July 1956, was to challenge the assumptions of the Charter of Habitat. During this meeting, which neither Le Corbusier nor Walter Gropius attended, the younger generation consisting of Aldo van Eyck, Jacob Bakema, Georges Candilis, Shadrach Woods, and Alison and Peter Smithson established a new agenda for mass housing, "Habitat for the Greater Number". It was at this CIAM meeting that the Smithsons presented their "Fold Houses". A number of meetings preceding the CIAM X were held in London, Doorn, Paris, La Sarraz, and Padua. The main objective of this paper is to show how the debates that preceded the CIAM challenged the Charter of Habitat.

Magistrsko delo raziskuje dejavnike uspešnosti mednarodnih režimov, ki jih preverjam na primeru preprečevanja tihotapljenja ljudi v času migrantske krize. Ta režim je bil med leti 2015 in 2018 na največji preizkušnji v svoji zgodovini, saj je zaradi migrantske krize število migrantov, ki so nezakonito prečkali meje Evropske unije preraslo njene zmogljivosti. Ljudje so se v želji po osnovnih človekovih pravicah začeli množično zatekati k nezakonitim in mnogokrat smrtno nevarnim načinom migriranja. Režim proti tihotapljenju migrantov je prejemal vse več kritik, vendar ga niso razvijali z namenom regulacije problema tako velikih razsežnosti. Zaradi pomanjkanja interesa je njegov namen povečanje državnega nadzora nad migracijami in meddržavnega sodelovanja. Režim je namreč lahko najuspešnejši takrat, ko vsi akterji upoštevajo vse njegove sestavine: norme, načela, pravila in pravila odločanja. V delu preverjam upoštevanje teh sestavin na primeru štirih mednarodnih organizacij: Organizacija za varnost in sodelovanje v Evropi, Evropski policijski urad, Mednarodna organizacija kriminalistične policije in Urad Združenih narodov za droge in kriminal ter petih držav: Nemčija, Madžarska, Grčija, Francija in Slovenija. Trenutne politike, usmerjene k povečevanju povpraševanja po tihotapskih storitvah, je treba preoblikovati tako, da bodo identificirani dejavniki uspešnosti zaobjeli tudi izvorne države, ki bodo lahko začele prispevati svoj delež. ; This master's thesis explores the factors of effectiveness of international regimes that I test on the case of smuggling of migrants during the migrant crisis. This regime had its greatest trial in its history between the years 2015 and 2018 why because the migrant crisis increased the number of migrants that could legally cross the borders of the European Union. People, in the desire for basic human rights, began to massively resort to illegal and many times deadly ways of smuggling. The regime against the smuggling of migrants has begun to receive increasing criticism. However, it was not established with the aim to regulate the smuggling problem of such large proportions. Due to the lack of states' interest, its aim was to increase state control over migration and interstate cooperation. The regime can be most effective when all actors are concerned with all its components: norms, principles, rules and rules of decision-making. In the thesis I test the upkeeping of these components on four international organizations: Organization for security and cooperation in Europe, European union agency for law enforcement cooperation, International criminal police organization and United nations office on drugs and crime, and five countries: Germany, Hungary, Greece, France and Slovenia. Current policies are formed to increase the demand for smuggling services and need to be transformed in order for identified factors of effectiveness to capture countries of origin and make them contribute their share as well.

POVZETEK Prvi del magistrske naloge zajema razlago ustavnih ureditev treh držav, Združenih držav Amerike, Francije in Slovenije, ter instrumente in institucije, podobne slovenski interpelaciji. Ustavne ureditve so vključene zaradi razumevanja razmerja med parlamentom in vlado, saj to igra ključno vlogo pri sprožitvi procesa interpelacije ter pri postavljanju poslanskih vprašanj. Interpelacija po slovenski ureditvi pomeni formalno vloženo pisno vprašanje skupine deset ali več poslancev z namenom, da bi odstavili bodisi ministra ali vlado. Interpelacija je orodje opozicije, da izpostavi trenutno oblast in jo postavi v položaj, kjer se mora javno zagovarjati. V ta kontekst so postavljeni primeri interpelacije v Sloveniji, ker so primer dejanskega nadzora parlamenta nad delovanjem vlade. Interpelacij se je v naši 26 let stari državi zgodilo kar nekaj, za magistrsko delo smo izbrali obdobje devete vlade Republike Slovenije, ki jo je vodil Borut Pahor. V času od novembra 2008 do februarja 2012 so se zgodile štiri interpelacije, ki so dober primer tega, kako je delovalo določeno ministrstvo v tistem obdobju, kakšen je bil sproten pritisk parlamenta na vlado in stališče opozicije do takratne oblasti. Z najprej opisanim razmerjem med parlamentom in vlado ter s primerjavo z drugimi državami smo pojasnili razmerje v slovenski ureditvi, nato pa s primeri interpelacije prikazali, kako to razmerje deluje v praksi. ; ABSTRACT The first part of the thesis consists of the overview of constitutional orders from three states: United States of America, France and Slovenia with the instruments and institutions similar to Slovenian interpellation. Constitutional orders are included because of the easier understanding of relationship between the Parliament and Government, which is crucial for the initiation of the interpellation process and for asking the parliamentary questions. Under the Slovenian constitution interpellation means a formal written question handed in by a group of ten or more members of the parliament with the intent to remove the minister or the government from its position. Interpellation is the instrument of the opposition, to call the coalition in question. In this context we have included the actual cases of interpellation in Slovenia, because they represent the control of Parliament above the work of Government. In our 26 years old country, there has been a significant number of interpellations, and the selected period is the ninth Government of Republic of Slovenia, which was under a leadership of Borut Pahor. In this precise time, from November 2008 to February 2012, four interpellations were processed, which show a good example of how a specific Ministry worked at the time, and what was the consistent pressure of Parliament on the Government, and the position of opposition towards the leadership at that time. With firstly described correlation between Parliament and Government and with the comparison with other countries, we have explained a relationship in Slovenian constitutional order, and afterwards I have presented how this relationship practically works with the cases of interpellations.

Termin samoodločbe je zapisan v ustanovitvenih dokumentih večine državnih ustav ter mednarodnega prava, prav tako pa predstavlja sredstvo za legitimizacijo države ter nadnacionalnega reda. Točna definicija in njeni parametri pa so v resnici stvar debate, ne glede na to ali izhajajo iz logike notranjosti državniškega sistema ali iz logike njegove zunanjosti. Magistrsko delo najprej sledi "klasičnemu" pojmu samoodločbe v njegovi zgodovinski partikularnosti znotraj mednarodnega sistema, pri čemer poudari veliko napetost med samoodločbo in državno suverenostjo. Nakar se obrne h kritični politični teoriji, da bi izkopalo definicijo samoodločbe, pri kateri popusti poseben odnos samoodločbe z državnim sistemom in pojmom suverenosti. Takšno pojmovanje samoodločbe je za potrebe naloge poimenovano "rizomatično" in se nato uporabi pri analizi štirih primerov z namenom, da se pokaže, kako lahko tak pojem samoodločbe uporabimo za razumevanje možnosti, ki jih vzpostavljajo najnovejša politična gibanja. Temeljni argument magistrskega dela je, da ko jih razumemo v okvirju državnega sistema kot sedanjo ali prihodnjo "aktivno" pravico, se dejanja samoodločbe zreducirajo na normativni determinizem zgodovinsko kontingentnih odnosov sil, saj se bodisi ujamejo v pogoje obstoječih dejavnikov znotraj konstituiranega sistema bodisi njihovo uresničitev pogojuje učinkovitost sile, ki jo lahko izvršujejo, da bi izničili funkcije sistema, ki slonijo na obstoječih pravilih. Ko pa jo razumemo onkraj zaprte logike državnega sistema, lahko samoodločba pomeni izražanje neomejene konstituirajoče oblasti in kolektivne imaginacije, ki sprosti nove vektorje možnosti človeških političnih odnosov. ; The notion of 'self-determination' is enshrined in the founding documents of international law and most state constitutions as a means of legitimating the current state and supranational order. However, its precise definition and parameters are the subject of debate—both when understood from within the logic of the state system and from outside it. This thesis situates the "classic" notion of self-determination within its particular historical position inside the international system, highlighting its deep tension with the norm of state sovereignty, before turning to critical political theory to unearth a definition of self-determination wherein its particular relationship to the state system and the total notion of sovereignty is relaxed. This conception of self-determination is, for the purposes of this thesis, termed 'rhizomatic,' and applied to four case studies to demonstrate how it might be used to understand the possibilities created by recent political movements. The primary argument of this thesis is that, when understood inside the state system as a present or future 'active' right, acts of determination reduce to the normative determinism of historically contingent relations of force because they are either resolved on the terms of existing actors within the constituted system or by the effectiveness of force they can exert to deny the system's function based on its previous rules. However, when understood beyond the closed logic of the state system, self-determination can be taken to mean manifestations of boundless constitutive power and collective imagination that unleash new vectors of possibility for human political relations.

Politična korektnost predstavlja velik problem v današnji družbi, ki skuša biti inkluzivna. V inkluzivni družbi je namreč pomemben jezik, ki ga uporabljamo, saj ne želimo nikogar diskriminirati ali izključiti iz družbe. Magistrsko delo se osredotoča na politično korektne in nekorektne izraze, ki se pojavijo na socialnem omrežju Twitter v času predvolilne kampanje v ZDA in v Avstriji. Zanimal me je predvsem jezik štirih predsedniških kandidatov: Donalda Trumpa in Hillary Clinton iz ZDA ter Norberta Hoferja in Alexandra van der Bellena iz Avstrije. S pomočjo izbranih objav na socialnem omrežju Twitter sem skušala poiskati povezave med Avstrijo in ZDA. V teoretičnem delu sem navedla vse potrebne definicije in prikazala politično korektnost v povezavi z drugimi jezikovnimi fenomeni, kot so tabuji, stereotipi in predsodki. Ločeno sem obravnavala politično korektnost v Avstriji in politično korektnost v ZDA. Zanimala me je tudi povezava politične korektnosti s svobodo govora. Raziskala sem, s katerimi zakoni je urejena pravica do svobode govora v Avstriji oz. Evropi ter v ZDA. V empiričnem delu sledi analiza izbranih objav. Vse politično nekorektne in politično korektne izraze, ki so se pojavili v času predvolilne kampanje, sem razdelila v kategorije in jih analizirala tako statistično kot tudi jezikovno. Rezultati so pokazali razliko med ZDA in Avstrijo glede rabe politično korektnega jezika in zmage na volitvah. V ZDA je namreč zmagal kandidat, ki je med kampanjo uporabil največ politično nekorektnih izrazov. V Avstriji pa je zmagal politično najbolj korekten kandidat. Največ različnih politično nekorektnih izrazov se je pojavilo na področju rasnega/etničnega razlikovanja, kar sem tudi pričakovala. ; Political correctness matters for inclusive society. Language that we use is very important in an inclusive society because we do not want to discriminate or exclude anyone from society. This master's thesis focuses on politically correct and politically incorrect terms that appeared in the social network Twitter during the election campaign in the USA and Austria. I was interested in the language of the four presidential candidates, Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton from the USA, and Norbert Hofer and Alexander Van der Bellen from Austria. I tried to find similarities and differences between Austria and the USA with the help of selected posts on Twitter. The theoretical part, contains the definition of political correctness and show political correctness in relation to other linguistic phenomena, such as taboos, stereotypes and prejudices. Political correctness in Austria and political correctness in the USA are compared and political correctness is associated to the freedom of speech. The legislation regulating right to the freedom of speech in Austria and in the USA is discussed. The empirical part presents an analysis of selected Twitter posts. All politically incorrect and politically correct terms that were found during the election campaign were divided into categories and analyzed both statistically as well as linguistically. I have found out that politically correct language is not necessary for an election victory. In the USA a candidate who used the most politically incorrect expressions during the campaign won. In Austria, on the other hand, the most politically correct candidate won. Most politically incorrect expressions appeared in the category racial/ethnical discrimination, which was expected.

Pri izpolnjevanju svoje primarne naloge ohranjanja mednarodnega miru in varnosti, ki mu jo nalaga Ustanovna listina Organizacije združenih narodov, Varnostni svet Združenih narodov deluje predvsem v okviru II. in III. stebra odgovornosti zaščititi. Nabor ukrepov, ki jih pri tem uporablja, je kljub temu, da je Varnostni svet edini organ, ki lahko zakonito po VII. poglavju Ustanovne listine odobri izjemo od splošne prepovedi uporabe sile, bistveno širši od gole uporabe sile, ki je bila brez privolitve države doslej odobrena le enkrat, leta 2011 v Libiji. Hipoteza naloge je, da potencial, ki ga odgovornost zaščititi ponuja pri reševanju kompleksnih kriznih situacij, ki lahko vodijo k množičnim grozodejstvom, ni docela izkoriščen zaradi nepopolnega uveljavljanja, ki je predvsem posledica blokade Varnostnega sveta zaradi uporabe veta stalnih članic. Izziv so tudi različne razlage njegovih resolucij, ki so že večkrat privedle do očitkov, da izvajalci resolucij slednje izrabljajo z namenom menjave režima v posameznih državah. Zaradi hudih posledic neaktivnosti z vetom blokiranega Varnostnega sveta, kar se kaže zlasti v primeru Sirije, so se kot alternativne možnosti delovanja mednarodne skupnosti v situacijah, kjer je uporabljiva odgovornost zaščititi, pojavile delovanje preko Generalne skupščine Združenih narodov na podlagi resolucije ˝Združeni za mir˝, regionalnih organizacij (denimo po vzoru Afriške unije) ter intervencija ad hoc koalicij. Ker nobena od navedenih možnosti ne ponuja primerne alternative odločitvi Varnostnega sveta, sta se v okviru odgovornosti neuporabe veta oblikovali dve pobudi za reformo odločanja v Varnostnem svetu, ki predlagata vzdržanje stalnih članic od uporabe veta v primerih štirih grozodejstev, vendar je njuna uspešnost vprašljiva, saj zaenkrat nobena od njiju nima podpore vseh petih stalnih članic. ; Authorized by the Charter of the United Nations, the United Nation Security Council fulfills its primary task of maintaining international peace and security by acting primarily within Pillars II and III of the Responsibility to Protect. Despite the fact, that the Security Council is the only body entitled to legally authorize an exception to the general prohibition of the use of force, this is only one of many measures it can adopt. In fact, the use of force against the will of a state has only been carried out once, in 2011 in Libya. The hypothesis of the present thesis is that the potential that the Responsibility to Protect offers in addressing crisis situations that could lead to mass atrocities is not fully utilized due to a blockage imposed by a veto from a permanent member state. The rising reproaches that those carrying out the resolutions exceed their mandates by changing the regimes in some states also represent a great challenge. This is caused by different interpretations of the language of the resolutions. Due to major consequences of the Security Council's inactiveness, as seen primarily in Syria, some suggestions of alternative actions that could be taken by the international community include acting through the United Nations General Assembly and its ˝Uniting for Peace˝ resolution, regional organizations (following the example of the African Union) and intervention by ad hoc coalitions. Since none of the mentioned possibilities represent a suitable alternative to a decision of the Security Council, two petitions in light of the Responsibility not to Veto have arisen. They suggest the permanent members abstain from the use of veto in the cases of four mass atrocities. Their success, however, is questionable, since neither has so far obtained the support from all five permanent members.