Suchergebnisse

Polazeći od dvodimenzionanog razumijevanja povjerenja u političke institucije, u radu provjeravamo prediktivnost povjerenja u vladu i predstavničke institucije i povjerenja u provedbene institucije za objašnjenje glasanja te prosvjednog sudjelovanja, kao i moguću posredujuću ulogu zadovoljstva funkcioniranjem političkog sustava. Rad se temelji na hrvatskim podatcima petog vala Europskog istraživanja vrednota – EIV (European Values Study – EVS, 2017). Pojedinačne povezanosti dvaju oblika povjerenja i dvaju tipova sudjelovanja pokazuju da je izraženije povjerenje u vladu i predstavničke institucije povezano s češćim glasanjem te manjom sklonošću prosvjednom sudjelovanju, dok je povjerenje u provedbene institucije povezano samo s manjom sklonošću prosvjednom sudjelovanju. Ujedno, oba su oblika političkog povjerenja snažno međusobno povezana te praćena većim zadovoljstvom funkcioniranjem političkog sustava, a koje je u slaboj pozitivnoj vezi s glasanjem te u negativnoj sa sklonošću prosvjedima. Multivarijatnom analizom potvrđen je samo samostalan pozitivni doprinos povjerenja u vladu i predstavničke institucije za pojašnjenje glasanja. Rezultate raspravljamo u kontekstu visoke povezanosti dvaju oblika političkog povjerenja u hrvatskim uvjetima te dosadašnjih nalaza o odrednicama glasanja i prosvjednog sudjelovanja kao dvaju oblika političkog sudjelovanja. ; Starting from a two-dimensional understanding of trust in political institutions, the paper examines trust in the government and representative institutions and trust in executive institutions as predictors of voting and protest participation, as well as the possible mediating role of satisfaction with the functioning of the political system. The paper is based on the Croatian data from the fifth wave of the European Values Study (EVS, 2017). Individual associations between the two forms of trust and the two types of participation indicate that greater trust in government and representative institutions is associated with more frequent voting and a lower propensity for protest participation. In contrast, trust in executive institutions is only associated with a lower propensity for protest participation. At the same time, both forms of political trust are strongly interconnected and accompanied with greater satisfaction with the functioning of the political system, which is weakly positively associated with voting and negatively associated with the propensity for protest participation. The multivariate analysis confirmed only the trust in government and representative institutions as a unique positive predictor of voting. The results are discussed in view of the high association between the two forms of political trust in the Croatian context, and the findings to date regarding the determinants of voting and protest participation as two forms of political participation.

Glavni cilj ovog istraživanja je analizirati trgovinske tijekove roba i usluga Slovenije s ostatkom svijeta od pridruživanja Europskoj uniji (EU) u svibnju 2004. godine. Empirijsko istraživanje provedeno je primjenom Grangerovog testa uzročnosti i Vektorskog modela korekcije pogrešaka (VECM) koristeći tromjesečne podatke od 2005. do 2017. godine. Primijenjeni Hansen i Seo (2002) test potvrdio je pretpostavku linearnosti između promatranih varijabli i prikladnost empirijskog pristupa u radu. Rezultati istraživanja ukazuju na dominaciju uvoza nad izvozom u trgovinskom obrascu slovenskog gospodarstva i pozitivnu trgovinsku bilancu s ostatkom svijeta od vremena njenog pristupanja Europskoj uniji. ; The main aim of this research is to examine Slovenian trade flows in goods and services with the rest of the world since joining the European Union (EU) in May 2004. We applied Granger causality test and Vector Error Correction Model (VECM) on quarterly data from the first quarter of 2005 up to the first quarter of 2017. Applied Hansen and Seo (2002) test confirmed the assumption of linearity in the relationship between the variables under consideration and therefore the appropriateness of the empirical approach for the purpose of this paper. The research results indicate importing to exporting as a dominant trade pattern in the Slovenian economy and successful trade balance with the rest of the world since Slovenia joined the EU.

Seen in its totality, the defense system of France is enclosed within the NATO pact. The French do not deny this & even stress it as a fact of essential significance, because the mutual support & solidarity with allies in case of danger & aggression is a matter of interest to all. An analysis of the French conception of national security shows nevertheless that the stress is on independence, especially where making decisions about the use of particular forces (nuclear ones, in particularly) & the use of its territory by its allies. The French cherish their alliance, but in ways that will allow them to decide their own destiny without being obligated to accept common solutions & decisions on the part of the organs of the NATO pact. This fact explains the heightened interest for the study of the conception of national security & the defense system of France & its specific features when compared to the defense systems of other countries within NATO. 24 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author's starting point is the assumption that the idea of the Christian Republic, suppressed by the Enlightenment, entered the French 18th-century discourse through its two secularized versions: the "Great Plan" put forward by Duke of Sully in Royal Economies (1638) and the Project for Perpetual Peace in Europe by Charles-Irenee Castel, the abbot of Saint-Pierre (1717). While the "Great Plan" aimed at establishing a secularized European peace alliance under the hegemony of France, Saint-Pierre strove to remove all hegemonic facets of the plan and establish peace according to the principles of equality of sovereign states. In the second half of the 18th century, Gabriel Bonnot de Mably and Jean-Jacques Rousseau, in reaction to the Seven-Year War, assumed different standpoints regarding the heritage of Sully and Saint-Pierre: although both deemed useful to build upon Saint-Pierre's pacifist thought, they rejected his way of establishing a Christian Republic in Europe as essentially Utopian. The former saw the only way of pacifying Europe in federalization under the hegemony of a single federal republic. The latter however rejected this solution as too risky and too difficult to carry out, preferring a return to the old theory of balance of forces, which enables small, autarchic and belligerent republics, that must always take into account the certainty that they could be attacked at any time, to establish only temporary and loose connections with other (equally small) republics within the frameworks of defensive alliances. Adapted from the source document.

Starting from a two-dimensional understanding of trust in institutions, we examine the predictability of trust in political institutions and trust in non-political national institutions in explain voting and protest forms of citizen participation in politics, as well as the possible mediating role of satisfaction with the functioning of the political system. The paper is based on the Croatian data of the fifth wave of the European Values Study (EVS, 2018). Individual associations between the two forms of trust and the two types of participation indicate that greater confidence in political institutions is associated with more frequent electoral participation and a lower propensity for protest participation. In contrast, trust in non-political institutions is only associated with less propensity for protest participation. At the same time, both forms of political trust are strongly interconnected and accompanied by greater satisfaction with the functioning of the political system, which is weakly positively associated with voting and negatively associated with a tendency to protest. The multivariate analysis confirmed only the independent positive contribution of trust in political institutions to voting. We discuss the results in the context of the high association between the two forms of political trust in Croatian context, and the findings to date regarding the determinants of voting and protest participation as two forms of citizen participation in politics. ; Polazeći od dvodimenzionanog razumijevanja povjerenja u institucije, u radu provjeravamo prediktivnost povjerenja u političke institucije i povjerenja u nepolitičke nacionalne institucije za objašnjenje glasanja te protestnih oblika sudjelovanja građana u politici, kao i moguću posredujuću ulogu zadovoljstva funkcioniranjem političkog sustava. Rad se temelji na hrvatskim podacima petog vala Europske studije vrednota - ESV (European Values Study - EVS, 2018). Pojedinačne povezanosti dvaju oblika povjerenja i dvaju tipova sudjelovanja ukazuju da je izraženije povjerenje u političke institucije povezano s češćom izbornom participacijom, a manjom sklonošću prosvjednog sudjelovanja, dok je povjerenje u nepolitičke institucije povezano samo s manjom sklonošću prosvjednom sudjelovanju. Ujedno, oba su oblika političkog povjerenja snažno međusobno povezana, te praćena većim zadovoljstvom funkcioniranjem političkog sustava, a koje je u slaboj pozitivnoj vezi s glasanjem, te u negativnoj sa sklonošću prosvjedima. Multivarijatnom analizom potvrđen je samo samostalan pozitivni doprinos povjerenja u političke institucije za pojašnjenje glasanja. Rezultate raspravljamo u kontekstu visoke povezanosti dvaju oblika političkog povjerenja u hrvatskim uvjetima, te dosadašnjih nalaza o odrednicama glasanja i protestnog sudjelovanja kao dvaju oblika sudjelovanja građana u politici.

Helmuth Plessner's study, The Belated Nation, is very topical for Croatian readers since it (via comparing the constitutions of the French & the German national communities) shows how the different types of polities within which national communities are formed (the state & the Reich) are central for the constitution of national awareness. German history proves how the international community, primarily that of Europe, immediately upon its constitution as a system of national states, forced the "belated" nations to give up on the concept of empire & constitute themselves as national states. Plessner's book is also topical in the postcommunist regimes because it superbly proves the significance of both the process of modernization & bourgeoisie as the social class in building national states. Adapted from the source document.

This paper analyses international response to the Croatian military operation Maslenica in January 1993. Based on media comments and reactions of key international mediators in the war in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, particularly the United Nations, France and Chairman of the International Conference on the Former Yugoslavia, it seeks to answer the question of what the reaction was, how in reality it was in accordance with the proclaimed policies and how it fit into the overall international policy towards the war in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. The paper is based on the documents of the United Nations, the analysis of several newspapers and reports of the Croatian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. It situates behaviour of the main participants within the context of 'carrots and sticks' strategy. The Maslenica operation had shown that international community would not prevent military interventions against the self-declared Republic of Srpska Krajina by Croatian forces. It thus announced what subsequently happened in 1995 with the decisive Operation Storm. Adapted from the source document.

Cilj projekta Razvoja kohortnog longitudinalnog istraživanja (ECDP), financiranog u okviru OBZOR2020 programa Europske Komisije je razviti konkretne modele nove europske istraživačke infrastrukture za koordinaciju budućeg velikog europskog kohortnog 25 godišnjeg longitudinalnog istraživanja o dobrobiti djece i mladih. ECDP projekt usmjeren je na uspostavljanje uspješne istraživačke infrastrukture i budućeg EuroCohort istraživanja kroz: (a) razvijanje podrške među ključnim donositeljima politika te nacionalnim agencijama zaduženima za financiranje istraživačkih infrastruktura i anketnih prikupljanja podataka; (b) razvijanje znanstveno izvrsnog nacrta budućeg longitudinalnog anketnog istraživanja ; te (c) uspostavljanje stabilnog operativnog okvira koji jamči logističku opstojnost budućeg EuroCohort istraživanja. Cilj jedne dionice projekta je oformiti savjetodavnu grupu djece (CYPAG) te kroz fokusne grupe utvrditi dječju perspektivu o dobrobiti, što im znači riječ "dobrobit", što pod tim pojmom podrazumijevaju, kao i njihovo razumijevanje etičkih pitanja u longitudinalnim istraživanjima dobrobiti djece. S dvadesetak djece, starosti od 10 do 15 godina, predstavnicima različitih posebno angažiranih skupina djece u različitim područjima od tehničkih, sportskih do prirodoslovnih i društvenih, odnosno djece uključene u nacionalne i lokalne relevantne organizacije, djece iz vijeća učenika, djece iz dječjeg gradskog vijeća, djece iz relevantnih nevladinih organizacija, te djece uključene u sportske organizacije, održane su tri fokusne grupe. Dio djece pripada skupinama kao što su: djeca iz manjinskih skupina, djeca rastavljenih roditelja, djeca iz jednoroditeljskih obitelji, djeca iz udomiteljskih obitelji, djeca s poteškoćama, djeca s kroničnim bolestima, te djeca koja žive u siromaštvu. Prikazani su rezultati kvalitativnog istraživanja o tome kako djeca doživljavaju različite aspekte dobrobiti i što smatraju najvažnijim čimbenicima koji utječu na njihovu dobrobit, kako bi se prema njihovom mišljenju trebala izvoditi longitudinalna istraživanja dobrobiti djece te kako uključiti djecu u longitudinalna istraživanja dobrobiti, koja ih etička pitanja u provođenju longitudinalnih istraživanja s djecom najviše brinu i kako bi ih oni riješili. Dobiveni rezultati pokazuju da djeca i mladi svojim razumijevanjem dobrobiti te načinom naglašavanja važnosti vođenja računa o privatnosti i pravima djece i mladih kao sudionika znanstvenih istraživanja mogu značajno doprinijeti kvaliteti istraživanja dobrobiti, stoga ih je iznimno važno i korisno uključiti aktivno u planiranje i provođenje longitudinalnog istraživanja dobrobiti djece i mladih. ; The European Cohort Development Project (ECDP) is financed from the European Union's Horizon 2020 programme to create specific models for a European Research Infrastructure that will provide, over the next 25 years, comparative longitudinal survey data on child and young adult well-being. The infrastructure developed by ECDP will subsequently coordinate the first Europe wide cohort survey, named EuroCohort. This will be achieved through the following three objectives: (a) building support from key political policymakers with a brief which covers child well-being as well as national funding agencies tasked with infrastructural spending on science and survey data collection; (b) developing a scientifically excellent research design; (c) establishing a robust operation al framework that will ensure the logistic integrity of EuroCohort. The aim of one section of the project is to set up a Children and Young People's Advisory Groups (CYPAG) and to identify, through focus groups, a children's perspective on well-being, examine the meaning of the word 'well-being', as well as gather information of their understanding of ethical issues in longitudinal research on child well-being. Three focus group were conducted with about 20 children, in the age between 10 and 15, representatives from various fields of specially engaged groups of children, including technical, sports, science and social field, children involved in national and local relevant organizations, children from student councils, children from children's city council, children from relevant nongovernmental organizations and also children involved in sports organizations. Some of the children belong to groups such as minorities, children of divorced parents, children from single-parent families, children from foster families, children with disabilities, children with chronic illnesses, and children living in poverty. The results of a qualitative study are presented on how children experience different aspects of well-being, what they consider to be the most important factors affecting their well-being, how in their opinion longitudinal studies of child well-being should be conducted, how to include children in longitudinal studies of well-being, what ethical issues are they most concerned with within longitudinal research with children and how they can be addressed. The results show that children and young people, through their understanding of well-being and by emphasizing the importance of taking into account the privacy and rights of children and young people as participants in scientific research, can significantly contribute to the quality of well-being research, so it is extremely important and useful to involve them actively in planning and conducting a longitudinal study of the well-being of children and young people.

Considering the rise of euroscepticism in France, especially in the eve of key events for the EU integration process, the article identifies the key actors promoting euroscepticism & the motivation behind their political action. The article tries to show that the main eurosceptical actors are opposition & marginal political parties with either left or right political orientation, & that the main motives for their political behavior are not to be found in their ideology, nor in a rational political competition, & not even in the French political tradition (and that is the reason why euroscepticism is considered only as a phenomenon). The motives for euroscepticism are found in the actors' drive towards short-term political goals with a help of populist rhetoric in order to discredit the EU project, but without an intention to offer counter proposals & long term political projects. The article analyses the results of the EU Parliament elections, the referendum for the EU Constitutional contract & discusses the electoral attitudes of certain political parties regarding their ideological orientation. The concluding remarks offer & explanation of the political parties motives for euroscepticism, an explanation of the social context where euroscepticism is accepted & a general analysis of the phenomenon. Adapted from the source document.

In this paper on the subject of comparative constitutional law studies, the author presents the experience of two foreign courts whose competence includes the control of the compatibility of laws with the constitution. The examples concern the constitutional right to freedom of the press. In the course of the practice of the US Supreme Court & the Constitutional Council in France, the constitutional stipulation concerning freedom of the press provokes one of the liveliest controversies in the public life. The "dictum" of the decisions concerning freedom of the press represents a living source of contemporary understanding & action within this significant & complex constitutional law. While tasking into consideration some existing circumstances in the life & institutional structure of the Republic of Croatia, the author asks in what direction the Constitutional Court of Croatia will turn should the circumstances put it into the position of having to answer a question concerning freedom of the press. Adapted from the source document.