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In this paper, we argue in favor of embedding struggles for recognition in struggles for appropriation. In the first section, we highlight the socio-economic antinomies of the Frankfurt's School critique of capitalism. Then, through a presentation of Marx, we seek to anchor struggles for recognition in a socio-historical critique of capitalism. Lastly, we seek to present promising theoretical developments within Western Marxism to address the issue of recognition in advanced capitalism. Adapted from the source document.

Cette contribution est une étude théorique dans le champ de la pensée éducative à partir de ce qui est considéré ici comme la principale caractéristique de la période contemporaine: l'entrée dans l'anthropocène. La proposition développée n'est pas consacrée à la façon dont nous apprenons mais à ce qu'il nous faut apprendre. L'auteur prend ainsi le risque d'une pensée normative, dans le prolongement de la tradition de la théorie critique de l'école de Frankfort et de la théorie politique. La réflexion commence par le constat de l'anthropocène et formule une double hypothèse de la défaillance de la responsabilité du monde et de la préparation de l'avenir, révélant ainsi une crise du politique. La proposition théorique développée s'appuie ensuite sur l'hypothèse de la nécessité pour l'humanité d'évoluer pour assurer sa pérennité au sein de l'étendue terrestre. Enfin, la dernière partie porte sur un moyen (parmi d'autres) d'accompagnement de cette évolution anthropologique: l'"apprentissage ensemble" d'une citoyenneté existentielle. (DIPF/Orig.) ; This contribution is a theoretical study in the field of the educational thought from what is considered here as the main characteristic of the contemporary period: the entry into the anthropocene. The proposal developed is not devoted to the way we learn but to what we need to learn. The author thus takes the risk of a normative thought, following the tradition of the critical theory of the Frankfurt school and of political theory. The reflection begins with the anthropocene's observation and formulates a double hypothesis of the failure of the responsibility of the world and the preparation of the future, thus revealing a crisis of politics. The theoretical proposition developed then relies on the hypothesis of the necessity for humanity to evolve to ensure its perenniality on Earth. Finally, the last part deals with a means (among others) of accompanying this anthropological evolution: the "learning together" of an existential citizenship. (DIPF/Orig.)

With the advent of satellite channels are broadcasting the regional at the end of the last century and increased in number during the first decade of the third millennium has grown the idea of a "Arab Public Sphere" and have a lot of academic research based on this idea to say its ability to "create a democracy", what in the countriesArab. In this study, a critical approach to try to understand the validity of this argument based on the perception of the historic public space with Jürgen Habermasand studies provided by the Frankfurt School accordingly and which constitute the main source of the idea of Arab on "Arab Public Sphere" and as a result the objective is to determine the nature of space, which is active when the Arab media, to identify its features and explain how it works. (Jürgen Habermas).مع ظهور القنوات الفضائية ذات البث الجهوي في نهاية القرن الماضي و تزايد عددها خلال العشرية الأولى من الألفية الثالثة تنامت فكرة وجود "فضاء عام عربي" و ظهرت الكثير من الأبحاث الأكاديمية التي تعتمد على هذه الفكرة في القول بقدرتها على "خلق ديمقراطية" ما في البلدان العربية. في هذه الدراسة مقاربة نقدية لمحاولة فهم مدى صحة هذه المقولة بالاعتماد على التصور التاريخي للفضاء العام لدى يورغن هابرماس(Jürgen Habermas) و الدراسات التي قدمتها مدرسة فرانكفورت تبعا لذلك و التي تشكل المصدر الرئيسي للفكرة العربية حول "الفضاء العام العربي" و نتيجة لذلك يكون الهدف هو تحديد ماهية الفضاء التي تنشط فيه وسائل الإعلام العربية، تحديد معالمه و شرح طريقة عمله.

Our doctoral dissertation traces the intellectual history of the American criticalthought journal Telos from 1968 to 2001. Through our critical narrative, we intend tounderstand, in the weberian sense, the significant ideological evolution of the publicationorganization,which, in less than thirty years, moved from a neo-Marxist position affiliatedwith the American New Left to a populism related to the European New Right. Our workinghypothesis is that the link between Telos and the Critical Theory of the Frankfurt School isdecisive to understand its evolution and write its history. Our thesis is that Telos is adissenting organ of "North-American Critical Theory" (Mooney, Calhoun) expressed as a"critical traditionalism" that acts as a synthesis between various trends of contemporarycritical theory. As a synthesis, the telosian theory overcomes the legacy of the old Criticaltheory in a dual relationship of integration and negation. Ultimately, Telos produces its owncriticism, another critical theory. ; Notre thèse d'analyse des idées politiques retrace l'histoire intellectuelle de larevue de pensée critique étasunienne Telos de 1968 à 2001. A travers notre travail denarration critique, nous cherchons à comprendre, au sens wébérien, l'évolution idéologiquesignificative de la publication-organisation, qui est passée en moins de trente ans d'unpositionnement néo-marxiste affilié à la Nouvelle gauche américaine à un populisme prochede la Nouvelle droite européenne. Notre hypothèse de travail est que le rapport que Telosentretient avec la Théorie critique de l'Ecole de Francfort est déterminant pour comprendreson évolution et écrire son histoire. Nous défendons ici la thèse que Telos constitue unorgane dissident de « théorie critique nord-américaine » (Mooney, Calhoun) qui s'exprimesous la forme d'un « traditionalisme critique » qui tient lieu de synthèse entre différentesbranches de théorie critique contemporaine. En tant que synthèse, la théorie telosiennedépasse l'héritage de la vieille Théorie critique ...

The philosophy of Jürgen Habermas is a strong thought of the 20th century. In recent decades, she has passionate researchers in communication. She rightly passionates them. Jürgen Habermas is in line with Adorno and the Frankfurt School. The School failed to call the Institute for Marxism before the Second World War. Mr Habermas therefore had to deal with this legacy in a world where the Soviet bloc collapsed. He built his thoughts at the crossroads of political philosophy, but also of the philosophy of language, including linguistic pragmatism. He also borrowed from the psychology of knowledge, in particular that of Jean Piaget. It is therefore at the crossroads of the major movements of ideas at the end of the 20th century. In terms of research topics, he looked at how to create a "public space" for debate. This space has many dimensions. Habermas is concerned with intersubjective relationships between people. And generally in all our ways of consulting us to take decisions: starting from debates in small groups to political confrontations in the media. This led to ethics: what does it mean to leave room for the other in a discussion? How is a fair decision taken? It took into account the religious dimension of beliefs: a religion, is it always an unthought-out tradition against which reason must fight? ; The Philosophy of Jürgen Habermas is one of the most famous in the 20th century. The researchers in communication studies are obviously very interested in his work. Habermas had to define his position in front of marxism in the same time of the USSR collapsed. He build an original thought between political philosophy, philosophy of language, knowledge psychology. His concept of "public space" is especially usefull in communication : how can we take a common and right decision, justified by our common values ? ; The philosophy of Jürgen Habermas is a strong thought of the 20th century. In recent decades, she has passionate researchers in communication. She rightly passionates them. Jürgen Habermas is in line ...

This thesis focuses on Michel Foucault's thought of resistance. There is a dual idea: on the one hand, to offer a critical and systematic study of the Foucaldian use of resistance, in order to shed light on the important analyses, theses and concepts of his work; on the other hand, to understand how Foucault renews the thought of resistance in his contemporary context, and in an explicit or implicit discussion with Marxism, Sartre, Deleuze or the Frankfurt School. The challenge is to show that it is in virtue of some thought on resistance, and on some visible but decisive aporias, such as a normless or subject-deprived resistance, that Foucault redirects his methodological eye towards an analysis of power, government and subjectivity. At least three specific resistances can thereby be distinguished: a literary resistance against the anthropological illusion, a collective resistance against political norms - sovereign, disciplinary, bio-political powers -, and finally an ethical and subjective resistance to what, in itself, accepts, desires and reestablishes ways to govern oneself. Besides, Foucault's relationship to Nietzsche is subject to a specific attention: it is about showing how Foucault frees his genealogical work, whose inspiration is of resistance, from a Nietzschean philosophy focused on the will to power, that is to say the overtaking of resistances. In that, it is possible to show that the Foucaldian resistance, which is played at the crossroad of thought, freedom, and truth, constitutes a privileged way to philosophically answer to the critics of historicism, relativism, or nihilism addressed to Foucault. ; Cette thèse porte sur la pensée de la résistance chez Michel Foucault. L'idée est double : d'une part, proposer une étude critique et systématique de l'usage foucaldien de la résistance, afin d'éclairer le sens des analyses, des thèses et des concepts importants de l'œuvre ; d'autre part, comprendre comment Foucault renouvelle la pensée de la résistance dans le contexte qui lui est contemporain, ...