Suchergebnisse

Regulacija ili samoregulacija internetskih medija jedna je od ključnih dilema za suvremene digitalne medije i njihovu politiku djelovanja. To uključuje nove digitalno posredovane gatekeepere kao što su društveni mediji. Privatna pravila posrednika, poput "uvjeta korištenja" i politike sadržaja, u velikoj mjeri definiraju njihovo funkcioniranje i mogu se smatrati samoregulativnim mehanizmom. Internetski se posrednici sve više pozivaju da se uključe u izradu pravila korištenja i donošenje odluka o sadržaju. U ovom radu autori se fokusiraju na Twitter kao na jedan od najvećih i najznačajnijih internetskih izvora vijesti. Uvjeti korištenja i ostali dokumenti Twittera analiziraju se kao alati samoregulacije i kao kontekst unutar kojeg individualni korisnici i masovni mediji funkcioniraju, odnosno moraju funkcionirati u suvremenom digitalnom okruženju. Autori također promatraju kako je Twitter primijenio taj samoregulativni okvir u dva važna slučaja. ; The regulation or self-regulation of online media is one of the key dilemmas of contemporary digital media and policy environment. This includes the new digital intermediary gatekeepers such as social media. The private rules of intermediaries, such as their 'terms of service' and content policies, importantly define their functioning and are sometimes thought of as self-regulatory mechanisms. Online intermediaries are increasingly being called upon to engage in codes of conduct or decisions about content. We focus on Twitter as one of the largest and most relevant new gatekeepers because of its use as source of news. The terms and other documents of Twitter are analysed as tools of self-regulation, and as the context within which the individual users and mass media (must) function in today's digital environment. We also look at how Twitter has applied this framework in two high profile cases.

Identitet je skup značajki koje određuju posebnost pojedinca ili skupine u smislu različitosti ili pripadnosti u odnosu na druge pojedince ili skupine pa, susljedno tome, identificirati se znači (samo)odrediti se. Budući da je prostor ključni tvorbeni element u procesu formiranja identiteta, osobito nacionalnog, regionalnog i lokalnog, zanimljiv je i geografima, pa se njime najviše bave politički i kulturni geografi. U radu je iznesen model geografskog proučavanja identiteta izraženoga u imenima ulica i trgova devet gradova u Sjevernom hrvatskom primorju. Ciljevi rada su: potvrditi činjenicu da se u urbanom pejsažu identitet može iščitati kvantitativnom i kvalitativnom značenjskom analizom imena ulica i trgova, utvrditi razliku u prisutnosti hodonima koji izražavaju regionalni identitet (tzv. regionalni hodonimi) i onih iz kojih se iščitava nacionalni identitet (tzv. nacionalni hodonimi) na Kvarneru i u Istri te ispitati u kojoj su mjeri u gradskoj toponimiji Istre izraženi talijanski utjecaji. ; Identity is a group of characteristics which determine the distinctiveness of an individual or a group in terms of differences from or affiliation with other individuals or groups; accordingly, it follows that to identify oneself means to (self)determine the self. Whereas space is an essential formational element in the process of shaping identity, particularly national, regional and local, it is of interest to geographers and is mostly pursued by political and cultural geographers. This paper presents a model of geographical research of identity manifest in the names of streets and squares in nine towns of the North Croatian Littoral. It has three main objectives: to corroborate the fact that identity in the urban landscape can be observed through quantitative (statistical-mathematical) and qualitative (interpretative) semantic analysis of street and square names; then to establish the difference in the presence of hodonyms which reflect regional identity (the so-called regional hodonyms), and those which reflect national identity (the so called national hodonyms) in Kvarner and Istria; and finally to examine the level of prominence of the Italian influence in the urban toponymy of Istria.

U Istru, kao dijelu austrijskoga pravnog sustava, porotno je suđenje uvedeno revolucionarne 1848. i to najprije samo za tiskovne delikte, u sklopu težnji za slobodom misli i izražavanja putem tiska, koji je predstavljao najprikladniji medij za širenje novih ideja i mobilizaciju političkih masa. Porotnim suđenjem htjelo se osigurati nepristrano i objektivno suđenje, koje se zbog nedostatnih jamstava sudačke neovisnosti nije moglo očekivati od profesionalnih sudaca. U radu se razmatraju tiskovne naredbe i zakoni doneseni tijekom 1848. i 1849. godine, kojima su regulirani sloboda tiska i porotna sudbenost. Na temelju analize zakonodavnog okvira, sudske prakse i istarskog novinstva u promatranom razdoblju, autorica je utvrdila kako uvođenje slobode tiska i porotnog suđenja za tiskovne delikte 1848./1849. za područje Istre nije imalo preveliko praktično značenje. ; In Istria, as a part of the Austrian legal system, jury trial was initially introduced in the revolutionary year of 1848 only for press offenses, in the framework of aspirations for freedom of thought and expression through the press, which represented the most appropriate medium for the dissemination of new ideas and mobilization of the political masses. Trial by jury was supposed to secure impartial and objective trials, which could not be expected of professional judges due to insufficient guarantees of their impartiality. This paper examines the press-related orders and laws passed during 1848 and 1849 which regulated the freedom of press and jury jurisdiction. On the basis of an analysis of the legislative framework, jurisprudence, and the Istrian press during the examined time period, the author has decided that the introduction of the freedom of the press and jury trials for press offenses in 1848/1849 on the territory of Istria didn't have a large practical significance.

Ovaj rad bavi se fenomenima hereze i pravovjerja, prisutnim u svim društvima u povijesti čovječanstva. Pravovjerjem smatram pristajanje na postojeću društvenu strukturu, vjerovanje u istinu centara moći, dok je hereza sve ono što je pripadajuće domeni kritičkog promišljanja. Cenzura, sustavna kontrola slobode mišljenja sastavni je dio vođenja države, i s obzirom na razvoj i promjene u društvu, ona poprima različite vidove, različita "lica." Kontrola se pojačava u kriznim razdobljima. S razvojem društva, metode postaju netransparentnije. U razvijenim demokracijama najefikasnija kontrola je kontrola misli, njome se bave veliki sustavi nadziranja, zajedno sa sustavima indoktriniranja (mediji, obrazovanje, religija). Sustavi indoktrinacije uče što trebamo misliti i koje vrijednosti zastupati. Odbijanje povlači sankcije. Ono što nije sukladno smješta se u domenu zabrane. U razvijenim demokracijama cenzura je zakonom zabranjena, ali se provodi na druge načine. Autocenzura, reakcija je autora na represiju te tzv. "tiha cenzura", zanemarivanje je pa time uklanjanje nepoćudnih sadržaja, umjesto prijašnjih zabrana i krivičnih progona. Danas sve aspekte ljudskog stvaralaštva regulira tržište, intencija je totalna kontrola. Javni prostor popunjava se trivijalnostima i zabavom, za istraživačke i kreativne sadržaje izostaje "potražnja" pa time i prostor u medijima. ; Heresy and orthodoxy are immanent to all regimes, totalitarian and democratic. Denying of critical thinking manifests itself in so far as the regime feels threatened by opponents, and censorship, systematic control of freedom of thought is an integral part of running the state. Control increases in times of crisis. With the development of society, methods become less transparent. In developed democracies, the most effective control is thought control, and big monitoring systems, together with the systems of indoctrination (media, education, religion), are involved in it. Systems of indoctrination teach us what to think and what values to represent. Refusal withdraws sanctions. What is not in accordance, is placed in the domain of the ban. In developed democracies, censorship is prohibited by law, but is carried out in other ways. Self-censorship, the reaction of authors to the repression, and the so-called."silent censorship", is ignoring and thus removing undesirable contents, instead of the previous prohibition and criminal prosecution. Today all aspects of human creativity are regulated by the market, the intention is total control. The public space is filled with trivia and entertainment, for research and creative contents a "demand" is absent, and thus the space in the media.

Right of access to a court, enshrined in Article 6 § 1 of the European Convention on Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms forms one of the basis for reinforcement of the principle of rule of law. However, the right of access to a court may be limited by provisions of national legislation regulating the functioning of the judicial system and rules of judicial procedure. The higher the hierarchy of the court, the more limits may be placed on the right of access to it. The aim of this article is to examine the different modalities of organisation of supreme judiciaries in European countries (members of the Council of Europe) and mechanisms established in national legislation for filtering applications to those jurisdictions in civil cases, in light of the principles set forth in that regard by the ever evolving case-law of the European Court of Human Rights, and the effects of its judgments and decisions on national legal systems. ; Right of access to a court, enshrined in Article 6 § 1 of the European Convention on Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms forms one of the basis for reinforcement of the principle of rule of law. However, the right of access to a court may be limited by provisions of national legislation regulating the functioning of the judicial system and rules of judicial procedure. The higher the hierarchy of the court, the more limits may be placed on the right of access to it. The aim of this article is to examine the different modalities of organisation of supreme judiciaries in European countries (members of the Council of Europe) and mechanisms established in national legislation for filtering applications to those jurisdictions in civil cases, in light of the principles set forth in that regard by the ever evolving case-law of the European Court of Human Rights, and the effects of its judgments and decisions on national legal systems.

Razina ekonomske slobode svake se godine mjeri putem jedinstvene svjetske metodologije. Na taj je način kanadski Fraser Institute razvio sustavni pristup javnim politikama koje utječu na opseg javne potrošnje i državne imovine, visinu glavnih poreza, inflaciju, slobodnu trgovinu, na regulaciju poslovanja, tržišta rada i kredita te ostala mjerena područja. Takav policy okvir može biti koristan za dizajniranje strukturnih prilagodbi kojima se poduzetnike može osloboditi od prekomjernog utjecaja i troška države. Također, smanjivanjem i ograničavanjem uloge države ekonomske slobode doprinose poboljšanju institucionalnog okvira za slobodno tržište. U konačnici, ekonomske slobode usko su vezane uz geopolitiku. ; The level of economic freedom is measured each year through a unique world methodology. This way, Canadian Fraser Institute has developed a systematic approach to public policies which affect the scope of public expenditure and state assets, level of major taxes, inflation, free trade, business regulation, labor and credit market and other measured areas. Such policy framework can be useful for designing structural adjustments by which enterprises could be freed from excessive involvement and cost of government. Moreover, by reducing and limiting the role of government economic freedom contributes the institutional framework for free market. Finally, economic freedom is closely related to geopolitics.

Ustav Republike Hrvatske proklamira ljudska prava i slobode u skladu s dokumentima univerzalnog karaktera i vrelima prava Europske unije i Vijeća Europe. Među tim pravima Ustav utvrđuje prava i slobode na radu i u vezi s radom, prava radnika i njihovih udruga (poslodavaca i njihovih udruga) ali i prava i obveze države (i kada se javlja kao vlast ili/i kao poslodavac). Predmet ovoga rada su industrijske akcije drukčije od štrajka u sadržaju prirodnih prava (prava čovjeka na radu), kao dio prava na rad i slobodu rada, prava na zaradu "kojom može osigurati sebi i obitelji slobodan i dostojan život"; pravo na ograničeno radno vrijeme; pravo na odmore i dopuste; pravo udjela pri odlučivanju u poduzeću; pravo na zaštitu zdravlja i sigurnosti na radu; pravo na socijalnu sigurnost, socijalno osiguranje i zdravstvenu zaštitu; pravo koalicije i osnivanja sindikata "radi zaštite svojih gospodarskih i socijalnih interesa"; pa slijedom toga "jamči se pravo na štrajk". Pitanje i odnose štrajka i drugih industrijskih akcija uređuje zakon i autonomni opći akti, pravila udruga, a utvrđuje i sudska praksa, pored onoga što "kreira" i determinira praksa u živim, primjenljivim i promjenljivim odnosima, bez obzira na njihovu reguliranost. ; The Constitution of the Republic of Croatia proclaims human rights and freedoms in accordance with the documents of universal character and the sources of law of the European Union and the Council of Europe. Among these rights, the Constitution establishes the rights and freedoms at work and in connection with work, the rights of workers and their associations (employers and their associations), but also the rights and obligations of the state (both when it comes to power or/and as an employer). The subject of this paper is industrial action diff erent from the strike in the content of natural rights (human rights at work), as part of the right to work and freedom to work, the right to earn "which can secure a free and dignified life for himself and his family"; the right to a limited working ...

Ovaj diplomski rad pruža svojevrstan pregled razvoja sigurnosne i antiterorističke politike EU temeljene na idejama manjeg zla, ravnoteže i trgovanja između slobode i sigurnosti, uz analizu samih ideja. Analizirajući izvanrednost sigurnosne politike EU s jedne, te terorizma kao glavnog izazova sigurnosti EU (uz etničke sukobe) s druge strane, u radu se prikazuju određene proturječnosti sigurnosnih mjera EU utemeljenih na ideji ravnoteže sigurnosti i slobode. Proturječnosti su vidljive, ne toliko u smislu neprestanog pozivanja na nužnost i važnost očuvanja sigurnosti i slobode i paralelnom ograničavanju istih, koliko u smislu ograničavanja ili ukidanje ljudskih prava i sloboda kao načina podizanja općeg stanja sigurnosti bez pružanja konkretnih procjena o učinkovitosti istih, bez stvarnih jamstava ili dokaza o postizanja sigurnosnih uspjeha. Europska integracija počiva na vrijednostima mira, slobode, jednakosti i tolerancije od samih svojih početaka. U kompleksnosti odnosa europskih liberalnih vrijednosti i ciljeva s jedne, te sigurnosne nužnosti i opravdanja s druge strane, ovaj rad svoju tezu temelji na nekoliko primjera ograničavanja temeljnih ljudskih i građanskih sloboda. Građanska prava koja se obrađuju temelje se na Ugovoru iz Maastrichta, dok se ljudska prava temelje se na Europskoj konvenciji o ljudskim pravima. Kada se govori o postizanju, povećanju ili ugrozi sigurnosti, sigurnost se definira kao (I.) "Sigurnost kao stanje osjećaja zbrinutosti i smirenosti, slobode od straha ili tjeskobe" i (II) "Sigurnost kao poduzimanje mjera i postupaka s ciljem poboljšanja sigurnosti države ili organizacije". Europska sigurnost je shvaćena kao strategija vrlo bliska konceptu europskog identiteta tj. kao artikulacija zajedničkih europskih vrijednosti i interesa. ; This master's thesis provides an unique overview of the development of security and counter-terrorism policies of the EU based on the ideas of the lesser evil, balance and tradeoffs between freedom and security, along with an analysis of the ideas ...

The indicators of health condition and providing medical protection are necessary for making assessment of health condition at the level of population, improvement of the healthcare system and making health-related and political decision with an aim to improve the citizens' health. Qualitative and reliable original data is necessary for the preparation of indicators. According to the indicators of mortality and morbidity, cardiovascular diseases (CVD) are the prioritized public health problem in Croatia. They are the major cause of mortality, in men with a share of 42.6% and in women with a share of 56.4% in total mortality. In CVD hospital morbidity, they are represented in men in the first place with a share of 14.9% and in women, they take the second place with a share of 12.5% in total number of hospitalizations. Totally, more women die of CVD and men die of CVD more frequently at younger age, however, women are hospitalized less frequently.

Posljednjih desetljeća, diljem svijeta, u inim industrijama, može se uočiti sve veća uporaba tradicijskih imena i simbola na komercijalnim proizvodima. Osobito često dolazi do korištenja urođeničkih imena i simbola na komercijalnim proizvodima neurođenika u državama u kojima su veće urođeničke zajednice kao što su SAD, Kanada, Australija i Novi Zeland. Takva praksa urođenicima nije prihvatljiva - ili zbog toga što je uvredljiva ili što iskorištava, a katkad i narušava njihov ugled. Osobito neprihvatljivom praksom urođenici smatraju kad neurođenici prisvajaju urođeničke oznake. Cilj je rada ispitati obuhvaća li konvencionalni sustav žigovnoga prava mehanizme čijom se primjenom može osigurati zaštita od neprimjerne uporabe tradicijskih oznaka. Radi ostvarenja navedenoga cilja, analiziraju se međunarodni i europski izvori iz područja žigovnoga prava, ali i specifična nacionalna rješenja. Istraživanje je pokazalo kako konvencionalni sustavi žigovnoga prava samo u iznimnim situacijama tradicionalnim oznakama mogu osigurati zaštitu od zloupotreba. Zbog toga pojedine države (u kojima su urođeničke zajednice brojnije, a javne politike usmjerene na zaštitu urođenika) različitim intervencijama u konvencionalne sustave žigovnoga prava nastoje povećati učinkovitost u borbi protiv uvredljive uporabe urođeničkih oznaka. Prikazuje se kako je na Novom Zelandu uveden koncept kulturološke uvrede kao apsolutnoga razloga za odbijanje registracije žiga, dok su u Kanadi uvedene, tzv. službene oznake kao posebne vrste žiga, te se razmatra doseg takvih intervencija i mogu li takvi primjeri biti relevantni za Europsku uniju. Analizira se kakve se slične intervencije u konvencionalni sustav žigovnoga prava primjenjuju u Europskoj uniji kako bi se osigurala zaštita od neprimjerene uporabe europskih autohtonih i tradicijskih oznaka. ; Since few decades ago, the use of traditional insignias on commercial products has been increasing, across the globe. In particular, the use of indigenous insignias on commercial products of non-indigenous ...

In Croatia, the issue of the legal status of the sources of journalists' information as well as the status of journalists who publish sensitive information is increasingly gaining prominence. This is a subject that includes elements of constitutional, media, labor, civil, & penal law. The essay is limited to people as information sources. The sources can be divided into internal & external. The rationale for the sources' confidentiality privilege lies in the fact that journalists serve public goals & their sources can find themselves imperiled. According to the author's classification, the risks of this privilege are faced either by the sources (direct or indirect manipulation, smear campaigns, misapprehensions) or by the journalists ("protecting" a fictional source, subsequent blackmail of the source, misapprehensions). In Croatia, the protection of the information sources is defined in Article 12 of the Law on Public Information. The author outlines the major comparative systems of regulation of this field, the examples of antinomies among different Croatian regulations (the principles for their resolution are also offered) & analyzes the position of certain types of sources in relation to the Croatian law. And finally, the author compares the regulations of the Croatian law with the comparative systems, analyzes the representation of certain forms of responsibility of certain types of subjects & lists the principles he deems most important regarding journalists' work (the necessity of protecting the sources, the responsibility of journalists toward their sources, the different legal status of journalists & their sources, the protection of privacy, the verification of confidentiality, the more dominant interest, the importance of administrative ethics, the familiarity with the regulations, the adequate legal definition of a secret). 30 References. Adapted from the source document.

Tko su naši suvremeni pučki tribuni? Kakva je njihova zastupnička namjera? U čije točno ime govore zastupnici naroda? I kakav ih odaziv zajednice prati? Zastupaju li u istoj mjeri »elitne«, »svenarodske« i vlastite interese unutar šire interpretativne zajednice? Stvara li svako uzimanje zastupničkog ili reprezentacijskog prava ujedno i osobit socijalni otpor (neuključenih ili prozvanih glasova), baš kao i s njime povezane političke progone? Tekst tumači javnu sferu kao dinamičko polje ideologijskih i estetičkih sučeljavanja, s posebnim naglaskom na umjetničko stvaralaštvo Olivera Frljića i Mate Matišića kao aktualnih pučkih tribuna. Obojicu prati licemjerna optužnica za »manjak patriotizma«, premda upravo napor navedenih umjetnika za uvažavanjem socijalno najranjivijih skupina i pojedinaca svjedoči u prilog osobite etike skrbi, samim time i povišene brižnosti prema zajednici kojoj se obraćaju. Tekst također sadrži i kratke razgovore s obojicom umjetnika na temu umjetnosti kao javnog zastupništva i njegovih kriza. ; Who are our contemporary tribuni plebis? What is their representative intent? What kind of communal response they receive, both from »elite« and from »common« interpretative communities? What kind of public resistance and public persecution follow from their choice to speak as the public representatives? The text understands public sphere as a contesting ideological and aesthetical field and therefore approaches works of Oliver Fljić and Mate Matišić as two artists who fiercely challenge the irresponsibility of the Croatian community and insist on public duty of intellectuals and artists to reveal both structural patterns and private schemata of social injustice. The fact that both of them are oftentimes accused in the media for their »lack of patriotism« is viewed as a grotesque form of social hypocrisy, since Matišić and Frljić demonstrate consistent care about the most wounded parts of our political community, therefore building intense field of social empathy and communal ethics of care. Text also includes voices of Mate Matišić and Oliver Frljić in response to the questions the author made.

Autor u članku komparira dvije stranke, jednu iz Istočne, odnosno Srednje, a drugu iz Zapadne Europe – mađarski Jobbik i nizozemsku Slobodarsku stranku Geerta Wildersa – kako bi se prikazale sličnosti, ali i neke od razlika, između radikalno desnih stranaka zapadnih te istočnoeuropskih zemalja. Članak je podijeljen u tri dijela. U prvom dijelu autor prikazuje suvremenu radikalnu desnicu. Suvremena radikalna desnica, za razliku od međuratne (1918.-1939.), nije nužno protusustavska, već se pretežno radi o ultranacionalističkim, ksenofobnim te homofobnim strankama i pokretima. Iako označava jednu stranačku obitelj, termin radikalna desnica prilično je širok te unutar te grupacije postoje značajne razlike između stranaka. Zbog toga postoji i mnoštvo definicija koje žele obuhvatiti taj politički fenomen. U drugom dijelu članka autor analizira mađarski Jobbik. Zaključuje kako Jobbik zadovoljava sve karakteristike radikalne desnice te se bez sumnje može reći da je jedna uistinu radikalno desna stranka. Treći dio članka posvećen je nizozemskoj Slobodarskoj stranci. Autor smatra kako Slobodarska stranka također zadovoljava sve kriterije, te se može svrstati u radikalnu desnicu. ; The author compares two political parties, one from Eastern/Central Europe, and the other from Western Europe – Hungarian Jobbik and Dutch Party for Freedom of Geert Wilders – to portray some of the similarities, as well as the differences, between radical right parties in Western and Eastern European countries. The article is divided into three parts. In the first part, the author presents the contemporary radical right. Contemporary radical right, in comparison to the interwar radical right, is not necessary anti-systemic, but mainly ultra-nationalistic, xenophobic and homophobic. Although the term radical right describes one party family, this party family has significant internal differences. Therefore, there are many definitions, which are trying to grasp this political phenomenon. The second part of the article analyses the Hungarian Jobbik. The author concludes that Jobbik satisfies all the characteristics of the radical right, and therefore represents a truly radical right party. The third part of the article is devoted to the Dutch Party for Freedom. The author concludes that this party can also be regarded as a radical right party.

The central question in addressing the subject of confidential information is to define the borderline between citizens' "right to know" & the general interest of keeping certain information confidential -- in a word, between justifiable & unjustifiable secrets. This area includes parts of administrative & public media law & the theory of public law. The paper is limited to the analysis of the issue of classified information in state possession (state, military, & official secrets) on three levels: theoretical, comparative, & that of legislation in Croatia. The essential elements of the theoretical concept of confidentiality are the possession of the information kept secret from others; deliberate concealment; & social context. A secret can have different forms: strategic, private, pressing, sequential, collective, petty, deep, simple, exploited, & conspiratorial, as in a plot. The theoretical analysis of confidentiality deals with the questions of contemporary forms of the manipulation of information (defining agendas & priorities, "quantitative overload," lobbying) & with the generic issue of the process of decision making, lies, & half-truths. In closing, the author offers certain elements for legislation regarding classified information. 13 References. Adapted from the source document.