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Based on two studies with Bosniak and Croatian students in Bosnia and Herzegovina, this paper analyzes the effects of religiosity on intergroup forgiveness and reconciliation. Both Christianity and Islam advance forgiveness and reconciliation as one of the major moral imperatives. Previous studies also indicate that religiosity can increase readiness to grant forgiveness on the inter-personal level and facilitate rapprochement. When it comes to inter-group level, prescripts of religious piety often conflict with norms of group solidarity and care. Another set of research suggests that religion obstructs conflict transformation due to the dogmatic reasoning it promotes, including reframing of immanent disputes in transcendental (and thus non-negotiable) terms. This study initially tested whether adding religious symbols to conflict narratives impacts prosocial attitudes of respondents and came with negative results. In other words, adding religious codes to already known narratives about conflicts did not have a significant impact on participants' attitudes. In a subsequent SEM analysis, it was found that religiosity in both groups is strongly correlated with group-centricity, which negatively mediates its relationship with both forgiveness and reconciliation. We conclude that collectivistic forms of religiosity that privilege ingroup solidarity might have negative effects on intergroup forgiveness and reconciliation in post-conflict settings.

Based on two studies with Bosniak and Croatian students in Bosnia and Herzegovina, this paper analyzes the effects of religiosity on intergroup forgiveness and reconciliation. Both Christianity and Islam advance forgiveness and reconciliation as one of the major moral imperatives. Previous studies also indicate that religiosity can increase readiness to grant forgiveness on the inter-personal level and facilitate rapprochement. When it comes to inter-group level, prescripts of religious piety often conflict with norms of group solidarity and care. Another set of research suggests that religion obstructs conflict transformation due to the dogmatic reasoning it promotes, including reframing of immanent disputes in transcendental (and thus non-negotiable) terms. This study initially tested whether adding religious symbols to conflict narratives impacts prosocial attitudes of respondents and came with negative results. In other words, adding religious codes to already known narratives about conflicts did not have a significant impact on participants' attitudes. In a subsequent SEM analysis, it was found that religiosity in both groups is strongly correlated with group-centricity, which negatively mediates its relationship with both forgiveness and reconciliation. We conclude that collectivistic forms of religiosity that privilege ingroup solidarity might have negative effects on intergroup forgiveness and reconciliation in post-conflict settings.

ABSTRACT Human life is increasingly developing, making demands for fulfilment of needs are also growing. Likewise with the clothing needs used. Nowadays the use of one's clothing shifts into a lifestyle that cannot be separated from it. This condition can benefit the market to make it an opportunity. This happens in Indonesia, where the country whose population is the largest Moslem religion up to 85% of the total population has a fashion style that is influenced by the beliefs adopted by Islam. This fashion industry has an important role as a contributor to improving the economy. The development of the domestic Muslim fashion industry will be able to answer domestic to international market demand if it can formulate strategies in answering the challenges that exist. In this case the actors who play a role in the Muslim Fashion Industry must have a reliable strategy that can improve the development of the Muslim Fashion Industry. This development has also become the main focus of the Indonesian government where it has a target that makes Indonesia the World Muslim Fashion Qibla in 2020. By utilizing the wealth of Indonesian Human Resources, Nature and Culture, Indonesia will be able to reach its dreams. The impact that will be felt in achieving this target is very large, such as increasing economic productivity, increasing employment opportunities, national income and the role of Indonesia in the development of world Muslim fashion.

APPROVED ; The work which follows examines the process by which private actors in the digital market are redefining fundamental rights through their contractual terms and practical operation. The argument is allied to works which consider ?digital constitutionalism,? the idea that private actors in the digital market are increasingly displaying constitutional features through their contractual terms and documents. Unlike a majority of work in the area of digital constitutionalism the work does not argue that private actors setting rights based standards represents a positive development. Rather, the work argues that private actors, through their re-definition of public, normative standards are generating a body of rules and practices which have displaced democratically decided rights standards with negative consequences for individual autonomy and the Rule of Law. The work argues that this process has been enabled by three features of EU law and policy. The first is an approach of functional equivalence to laws governing the digital market. In accordance with this approach the digital market has been treated as equivalent to traditional markets and its participants are viewed as requiring no additional or supplementary protections or regulations. Of particular significance in functionally equivalent attitudes to the digital market is the Union?s deference to freedom of contract as part of an ordoliberal attitude to market regulation. While this attitude is now beginning to erode (to some extent) in the context of data protection it remains the dominant regulatory approach of the European Union in the digital market. The second feature, not unrelated to the first, is the Union?s preference for economic rather than socially orientated standards and protections in it policies as well as its secondary laws. As part of this preference, when fundamental rights cross the Rubicon from vertically enforced constitutional protections to horizontally enforceable legislative ones their content is transmuted in a manner which favours their economic over socially oriented aspects. The third feature, is what is referred to within the work as the Union?s brittle constitutionalism ? that is the Union?s hesitant and incomplete articulation of and commitment to rights enforcement. This feature is the result in part of the Union?s ambiguous and at times hostile attitude to the development of fundamental rights policy. The work examines the impact of these trends and the rise of private policy they have generated on the rights to privacy and property under the Charter of Fundamental Rights.

How do changes in climatic conditions and disaster patterns affect the persistence of civil unrest across countries over time? Existing studies postulate that changing climate conditions will exacerbate various social conflicts through their impacts on degraded environmental and economic conditions, which is further conditional on political institutions. Nevertheless, there are two major pitfalls in the existing studies. First, vulnerability as a major underlying mechanism has been used as an umbrella term or been presumed. Using vulnerability as an umbrella term has a detrimental effect on climate-conflict theory-building because it prevents scholars from deriving testable empirical implications for relevant concepts. Second, previous research has pinpointed the importance of political institutions in moderating impacts of climate on conflict, but the literature says little about what aspects of political institutions might aggravate or alleviate vulnerability to climate in ways that are simmering or amplifying civil strife. Using the structural causal approach and machine learning methods, this dissertation improves the identification of the mediation effect of vulnerability and the moderation effect of political institutions on the climate-conflict relationship. The important mechanisms and implications revealed by this study are twofold. First, this dissertation finds that the impacts of extreme climatic events are more important in shaping local vulnerability than that of annual weather variations, and that adaptive capacity is more important than economic sensitivity in mitigating local vulnerability. Annual weather variations (i.e., the slow-moving mechanics) have a significant impact on cumulative conflict hazards, whereas extreme climatic events (i.e., the fast-moving drivers) fuel onset of a new conflict. In the presence of socio-psychological vulnerabilities, an increase in annual weather variations can boil new conflicts. Second, the state capacity is more important than democracy in exacerbating a country's vulnerability to climate, and the degree of executive bribery especially plays a crucial role in moderating the impacts of vulnerability to climate on civil conflict. However, of different aspects of democracy, freedom of academic and cultural expression has the most important moderating effect on conflict. What is striking is the role of socio-psychological vulnerability in transmitting the impacts of extreme climate and weather variations on civil conflict. Mainstream conflict theory has shown that institutional and economic conditions are the most important factors determining conflicts even though socio-psychological factors are meaningful contexts. However, this present study shows that socio-psychological vulnerability is more important than institutional and economic conditions in shaping civil conflict.