Suchergebnisse

In my short essay, I tried to present the changes in the criminal procedure law of the last one hundred and fifty years, the means of proof, and, wherever possible, to find a connection, as well as Ferenc Finkey's work, who was born 150 years ago. It can be said about Finkey's work, his textbooks that his conception of material and procedural law marked a new era in Hungarian scientific life. He established a modern system, proclaiming the principles that meet the theoretical and practical requirements of a modern criminal procedure based on individual freedoms, acquiring a state-of-the-art approach with a European perspective. As a result, his views are not let out of the latest scientific life either. His theoretical conception and dogmatic theorems still define legal thinking.

This article sets out a conceptual basis for measuring Vojvodina's regional autonomy in Serbia's European perspective. Serbia is a potential candidate country for EU accession, implementation of the European Partnership (2008) will be examined through the mechanisms established under the stabilization and association process. In 2009, the Serbian Parliament ratified the new autonomy statute for Vojvodina. While the national government could not entirely close its eyes to the EU regionalization requirements the provincial government had the opportunity to express its demands. The Statute of Vojvodina was to set out the key principles that should underlie effective regional democracy, covering areas such as financial autonomy and legislative powers. Parallel with regional autonomy one sees the challenges of personal autonomy and Hungarian National Council in the sphere of freedoms relating to language, education and cross-border cooperation. The article concludes by examining measures of Hungary's national policy towards capacities of AP Vojvodina, aiming at faster integration of Serbia, and Hungarian minority communities living in the border area.

In the spring of 1935 there was the general election in Hungary. At this time Gyula Gömbös was the Prime Minister of Hungary. The vote still passed off by the general election law of 1925. In the city of Hódmezővásárhely the election was secret and made with party lists. It was held at the end of April. In the course of the campaign three parties managed to have the enough recommendations: the Party of National Unity (with the leadership of András Tasnádi Nagy under-secretary for Religion and Education) the National Agricultural Opposition (with the leadership of Béla Kun) and the Hungarian Social Democratic Party (with the leadership of Ferenc Takács). The recommendation threshold was 10 percent of the number of all constituent, which was meant 1828 people in this case. In the course of the campaign all of the parties attacked each other in the pages of newspapers.The election ended in complete victory for the opposition. The vote result was a big surprise. The winner was in close fight the Hungarian Social Democratic Party. The second place was owned by the National Agricultural Opposition. The parliamentarian of the city became Ferenc Takács and Béla Kun. They both lived in Hódmezővásárhely.

The EU is bound to respect the national identities of Member States. States might, at occasions, define their national identities in ways that breach inclusive constitutional values (e.g. equality) protected under TEU Article 2. The assumption behind the recognition of diverse constitutional identities is the peaceful coexistence of both, which is challenged by illiberal national developments. Instead, we see a zero-sum game between the constitutional recognition of exclusive values (e.g. dominant ethnicity or religion) and inclusive constitutional values; every gain by the proponents of emergent authoritarianism translates to a loss on the side of constitutional democracy. While exclusive norms appear in virtually every constitutional system, a critical mass of exclusive values can lead to the hollowing out of a democratic order, both on the national and on the supranational level. To try to draw the line where this shift happens, we are relying on the limits of toleration, and recognition, of exclusive norms and identity elements of minority communities in liberal theories of multiculturalism (e.g. Raz, Taylor, Kymlicka). We think that the case of illiberal minorities raise structurally similar theoretical questions, insights, and experiences than the dilemma defined above, the challenge of illiberal Member States undermining EU fundamental values.

In his study the author deals with the question of the corporative organization of the young Slovenian state. In the first part of his writing the author presents the theory and development of corporative ideas after WWII. He sums up the main theories of Philippe C. Schmitter and Gerhard Lehmbruch, the two main thinkers of modern corporatism and shows how these theories influenced the development of societal/liberal corporatism. The author introduces the concept of concertation, the new decision-making process of the modern corporative state and differentiates it from the classic pressure politics of liberalism. After the theoretical background in the second part of his study the author gives an introspection into the forms of Slovenian corporative cooperation. First of all, he describes the main organizations of the tripartite political processes: the employers' chambers and associations (e.g. Gospodarska zbornica Slovenije, Trgovinska zbornica Slovenije, Združenje delodajalcev Slovenije) and the employees' unions (e.g. Zveza svobodnih sindikatov Slovenije, Konfedearcija sindikatov Slovenije Pergam, Konfederacija sindikatov 90 Slovenije). At the end of his work he shows the function of the classical corporative forums in Slovenia: the Economic and Social Council (Ekonomsko-socialni svet Slovenije, ESSS) and the National Council (Državni Svet). The author's conclusions are unambiguous: after the successful achievement of independence and freedom, Slovenia managed to create one of the most effective organizational models of modern (societal/liberal) corporatism and uses the process of concertation fruitful for his economic stability and social welfare.

Mátyás Rákosi, first secretary of the Hungarian Workers' Party, was forced to resign by soviet Politburo member Anastas Mikoyan on 18th July, 1956. He was followed by Ernő Gerő, who was also a hated man, responsible for all economic decisions in earlier years and taking part in a leadership which had committed serious crimes. He remained in power for three months only, until the October 1956 Revolution. Although Gerő announced political reforms, historians regard it only as a tactical step. This study suggests that these reforms, named "clear sheet", or "tabula rasa" policy, were in fact serious steps toward a "socialist democracy". What is more, these steps were not only announced but many of them was also taken. However, three months were not enough for Gerő to introduce all changes, because he was also engaged in neutralizing the activity of the party opposition lead by Imre Nagy's group. The study analyzes these reforms (e.g. increasing the role of the National Assembly, restoring the "socialist legality", decentralization, improving the living standards of the society, broadening the freedom of speech, giving greater support to the intellectuals etc.). To sum up, it can be stated that these reforms have a lot in common with the reforms of Imre Nagy in 1953. Surprisingly, it seems that the so-called "soft dictatorship" would have started much earlier, already in 1956, instead of 1963. The later reforms of János Kádár, introduced gradually in the 1960s (and sometimes only in the 1980s) probably originated also from this period of time, the Summer of'56. This study has much more questions than answers, its aim is to generate a new debate on Gerő's first secretariat hoping that a better understanding of this period can be reached. The most important questions are the following: why did the Revolution exacdy break out; how would it be possible to avoid it and, most interestingly, what would have happened if the Revolution did not break out at all?

The study examines some recent developments in Hungarian higher education funding with some historical and international outlook. Its purpose is to present the causes of the anomalies that we are experiencing today (such anomalies include, for example, new institutional indebtedness and their central support, as well as instructor layoffs at some universities, and a sudden increase in tuition fees). The anomalies are surprising because, according to the government, the introduction of the Chancellor's system was successful in consolidating higher education. The paper states that the last ten years of Hungarian higher education were characterized by the transformation of the financing system, in addition to the reduction of state resources. In international comparison, the government support for domestic higher education compared to GDP is significantly below the average of developed countries. The government tried to deal with institutional management difficulties and indebtedness with the introduction of the Chancellor's system. (which drastically reduced autonomy), and by providing ad hoc, hand-guided cash grants. However, the financial condition of the institutions is permanently bad, which is obviously at the expense of quality, as the institutions are forced to dismiss older and more experienced trainers, and the conditions of education also deteriorate. Without widening public resources and widening economic freedom, the situation will continue to deteriorate. It is becoming increasingly evident that the idea of a government strategy to make Hungarian higher education institutions world-class is unrealistic. ; A tanulmány a hazai felsőoktatás-finanszírozás néhány újabb történését vizsgálja meg, némi történelmi és nemzetközi kitekintéssel. Célja bemutatni azt, hogy a napjainkban tapasztalható anomáliák – mint például az újabb intézményi eladósodások és azok központi kisegítése (miközben a kancellári rendszer bevezetésével állítólag sikeres volt a felsőoktatás konszolidációja), elbocsátások egyes tudományegyetemeken, hirtelen tandíjemelés – mire vezethetők vissza. Az írás megállapítja, hogy a hazai felsőoktatás elmúlt tíz évét az állami források beszűkülése mellett a finanszírozási rendszer átalakulása jellemezte. Nemzetközi összehasonlításban a hazai felsőoktatás kormányzati forrásai (az állami támogatások aránya a GDP-hez viszonyítva) jelentősen elmaradnak a fejlett országok átlagától. A mindezek nyomán kialakult intézményi gazdálkodási nehézségeket a kormány a kancellári rendszer bevezetésével – s ezzel együtt a gazdasági autonómia radikális és az akadémiai (oktatási és kutatási) autonómia vele járó nem jelentéktelen korlátozásával –, valamint eseti, kézzel vezérelt konszolidációs pénzosztogatással próbálta kezelni. Az intézmények kondicionális helyzete azonban tartósan rossz, ami nyilvánvalóan a minőség rovására megy, hiszen az intézmények az idősebb és tapasztaltabb oktatók elbocsátására kényszerülnek, és az oktatás feltételei is romlanak. Félő, hogy az állami források bővülése és a gazdálkodási szabadság kiszélesítése nélkül a helyzet tovább romlik. Egyre nyilvánvalóbban irreálissá válik a kormányzati stratégiának nevezett anyag azon célkitűzése, amely szerint minden magyar felsőoktatási intézmény világszínvonalú kell legyen azokban a diszciplínákban, amelyek a saját kiemelt területéhez tartoznak.