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Wu, Shujun. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011. ; Includes bibliographical references (leave 31). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese.

Dr. Hu Shih (1891-1962) was one of China's top scholars and diplomats and served as the Republic of China's ambassador to the United States during World War II. As early as 1941, Hu Shih warned of the fundamental ideological conflict between dictatorial totalitarianism and democratic systems, a view that later became the foundation of the Cold War narrative. In the 1950s, after Mao's authoritarian regime was established, Hu Shih started to analyze the development and nature of Communism, delivering a series of lectures and addresses to reveal what he called Stalin's "grand strategy" for facilitating the International Communist Movement. For decades--and today to a certain extent--Hu Shih's political writings were considered sensitive and even dangerous. As a strident critic of the Chinese Communist Party's oligarchical practices, he was targeted by the CCP in a concerted national campaign to smear his reputation, cast aspersions on his writings, and generally destroy any possible influence he might have in China. This volume brings together a collection of Hu Shih's most important, mostly unpublished, English-language speeches, interviews, and commentaries on international politics, China-U.S. relations, and the International Communist Movement. Taken together, these works provide an insider's perspective on Sino-American relations and the development of the International Communist Movement over the course of the 20th century

학위논문 (석사)-- 서울대학교 대학원 : 행정학과, 2012. 2. 엄석진. ; 이 연구는 '입법에 의한 행정통제의 제도화' 과정을 입체적으로 살펴보기 위하여, 김영삼 정권 시기에 제정된 행정절차법과 정보공개법의 제정과정을 옹호연합모형(ACF)을 적용하여 비교 분석한 것이다. 이를 통하여 대통령과 행정부, 의회 등 입법과정의 주요 행위자에 초점을 두어 한국 행정절차법 제정과정을 연구한 Ginsburg(2001)의 고착 모형(Lock-in Model)과 Baum(2007)의 통제 모형(Rein-in Model)이 간과한 시민단체·학계·정당 등의 활동과 관료제의 반발 등 다양한 행위자 간의 상호작용을 규명하고자 하였다. 분석 결과, 첫째, 양 법률의 제정 과정에서 적극적 개혁연합과 보수적 개혁연합이 존재하였으며, 촉발기제 및 여론의 관심, 옹호연합의 대립과 입법 주도권 정도에 따라 입법의 지연과 법률 내용의 변화를 가져왔다. 특히 양 법률의 제정과정을 비교함으로써 이와 같은 상호작용의 특성이 입법의 지연과 법률 내용의 변화를 가져온 주요한 원인이었음을 새롭게 발견할 수 있었다. 둘째, 입법 과정에서 국회의 영향력은 미약하였으며, 대통령이 강한 리더십으로 입법을 추진하더라도 법률의 규율 대상인 관료제가 입법 과정에 참여함으로써 법률 내용에 한계가 나타났다. 이는 그동안 김영삼 정부 시기의 행정법제 개혁에 대한 상반된 평가, 즉 한편으로는 행정절차법과 정보공개법의 제정으로 법치주의를 향한 진전이 있었다고 평가되면서도, 그 내용적 측면에서는 소극적이고 수세적이며 지속적인 개선이 필요하다는 지적에 대해 제정과정 측면에서 해답을 제시하고 있다. 즉, 양 법률 공히 제정과정에서 국회가 주도적 역할을 하지 못한 가운데, 대통령의 리더십과 시민사회의 요구를 바탕으로 입법이 추진되었지만, 양 법률의 규율 대상인 관료제가 입법과정에 깊숙이 참여함으로써 내용적 측면에서 한계가 나타날 수밖에 없었음을 보여준다. 결과적으로 이 연구는 양 법률의 제정 과정을 비교함으로써 시민단체·학계 등의 활동과 관료제의 반발 등 다양한 행위자 간의 상호작용을 규명하고, 이와 같은 상호작용의 특성이 입법의 지연과 법률 내용의 변화를 가져온 주요한 원인이었음을 발견하였다. 향후 대통령과 관료제 간의 심층적인 상호작용 및 정책중개자의 실체와 역할 등을 밝히는 연구가 추가적으로 이루어진다면, 김영삼 정부 시기 행정법제 개혁의 성과와 한계를 체계적으로 밝히는데 기여할 수 있을 것이다. ; This study aims to do the comparative analysis of the enactment process of the Administrative Procedure Act(APA) and the Freedom of Information Act(FOIA) enacted in the Kim Young Sam regime by applying the Advocacy Coalition Framework(ACF) with a view to looking into the various aspects of the process of 'Institutionalization in control of administrative process by the legislative'. This study has the purpose of identifying the interactions of a large variety of agents such as civil organizations, academic profession, political parties and bureaucracy which was overlooked in the previous studies - Lock-in Model by Ginsburg(2001) and Rein-in Model by Baum(2007) - which analyzed the enactment process of Administrative Procedures Act in Korea, focusing on the official agents in the legislative process such as President, the executive branch, and Congress, etc. The results and the findings of this study can be summarized as follows. First, there were two major agents in the enactment process of the APA and FOIA, the active coalition and the conservative coalition, which resulted in the delay of the legislation and the modification of the laws depending on triggering mechanisms, the public's attention, legislative advocacy coalition, and the degree of the initiative. In particular, by comparing the enactment processes of both Acts, it was concluded that the characteristic of the interactions as above was the major cause that led to the delay of the legislation and the modification of the laws. Second, even after democratization in Korea, the influence of the National Assembly in the legislative process was weak. Even though presidential's legislative power was strong, limitations on the institutionalization of legal control has still remained because executive branch as target discipline has been involved in the legislative process. Thus, the findings of this study may partially provide answers to the question on differences between APA and FOIA legislation process. The dynamics of power was present between bureaucrats and civil organizations in the legislative process, and the contents of the bill and the time delay varied with the degree of a legislative initiative of officials who was the main opposition coalition in the enactment process. The further research in the future on in-depth interaction between the president and the bureaucracy, and on the role of the policy broker will be able to contribute to systematically elucidate in the achievements and limits of the reforms of administrative laws in the Kim Young Sam regime. ; Master

In Managing Frontiers in Qing China , historians and anthropologists explore China's imperial expansion in Inner Asia, focusing on early Qing empire-building in Mongolia, Xinjiang, Tibet, and beyond - Central Asian perspectives and comparisons to Russia's Asian empire are included. Taking an institutional-historical and historical-anthropological approach, the essays engage with two Qing agencies well-known for their governance of non-Han groups: the Lifanyuan and Libu . This volume offers a comprehensive overview of the Lifanyuan and Libu , revising and assessing the state of affairs in the under-researched field of these two institutions. The contributors explore the imperial policies towards and the shifting classifications of minority groups in the Qing Empire, explicitly pairing and comparing the Lifanyuan and Libu as in some sense cognate agencies. This text offers insight into how China's past has continued to inform its modern policies, as well as the geopolitical make-up of East Asia and beyond. Contributors include: Uradyn E. Bulag, Chia Ning, Pamela Kyle Crossley, Nicola DiCosmo, Dorothea Heuschert-Laage, Laura Hostetler, Fabienne Jagou, Mei-hua Lan, Dittmar Schorkowitz, Song Tong, Michael Weiers,Ye Baichuan, Yuan Jian, Zhang Yongjiang

V. Kravchenco [i.e. Kravchenko] ; 蘊雯, 陸沉, 安納合譯. ; 原書名不詳. 譯自英譯本: I chose freedom : the personal and political life of a Soviet official. ; 著錄據下册. ; V. Kravchenco [i.e. Kravchenko] ; Yun Wen, Lu Chen, An Na he yi. ; Yuan shu ming bu xiang. Yi zi Ying yi ben: I chose freedom : the personal and political life of a Soviet official. ; Zhu lu ju xia ce.

Lee Ying Chuen. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1999. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 104-110). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Chapter Chapter One --- Introduction --- p.6 ; Chapter Chapter Two --- Literature Review --- p.13 ; Chapter Chapter Three --- Mapping the Local Sound Scape --- p.29 ; Chapter Chapter Four --- Blackbird: A living Song --- p.54 ; Chapter Chapter Five --- Freedom of Art as Freedom of Life --Cultural Discourse as Political Activity --- p.80 ; Chapter Chapter Six --- Concluding Remarks --- p.95 ; Postscript --- p.98 ; Appendix --- p.101 ; References --- p.104

香港主權移交中國以後,傳媒雖維持獨立自主和商業運作的模式,但過往的研究發現,政治力量對新聞的影響越來越大。例如新聞機構對新聞內容施行政治審查和媒體機構老闆及高層接受政治任命。這是否意味香港新聞界正衰失它的獨立性?本文研究香港新聞界的獨立性在1997 年後的政治融合中如何被構成。 ; 政治經濟學派和美國組織研究著重新聞界如何抗衡外部對新聞獨立性的影響,但究竟新聞獨立性是什麼?新聞獨立性與專業性之間有何關係?這方面的討論十分缺乏。本文提出以布迪爾〈Pierre Bourdieu〉理論補充對新聞獨立性的理解,並以布迪爾理論為基礎,整理出一個場域理論框架以分析新聞界的獨立性。布迪爾的理論認為新聞獨立性是一個相對的理念,而且會隨著社會變遷而改變。場域理論框架幫助理解外界壓力如何影響新聞獨立性,和解答為何某些記者有較大新聞獨立性。本研究組合了布迪爾的慣習〈habitus〉慨念和根據布廸爾理論而建構的決意〈commitment〉概念來分析不同記者行使不同新聞獨立性的狀況。 ; 本研究顯示,由於政治環境的變化,香港新聞界自八十年代起由政黨新聞範式轉換為客觀新聞範式。在1997 年前後,新聞界面臨需要融入新政體的壓力。本文以香港的中國新聞記者為分析個案,檢視政治融合壓力下的新聞報導工作和記者的獨立性有何轉變。本文的研究對象─中國新聞記者〈或稱中國組記者〉是指在香港媒體工作、專職報導中國新聞的香港記者。本研究選擇他們作研究個案是因為他們位處中港融合的前線。本研究共訪問了二十二名記者,另外亦從中國組記者的著作及演講中搜集研究材料。 ; 研究發現,香港的中國新聞報導正在「去政治化」。雖然記者察覺到新聞的製作過程存在政治審查,但他們在採訪時選擇配合官方─包括參加由官方安排的採訪團、使用內地媒體的內容和以官方發言作平衡報導。當記者認為自己正在客觀地報導,他們不覺察在政治力量對新聞製作的影響。本文分析記者的工作流程和新聞內容,發現中國新聞的去政治化正侵蝕新聞獨立性。此外,根據記者個人的文化資本和對報導中國的決意程度,本研究將中國組記者分成三類:局外記者、局內記者及共融記者。局外記者抗拒融入中國內地,但不察覺客觀報導包括的政治性。局內記者受他們的文化資本限制,不察覺資料來源和工作流程中存在的政治影響。擁有高文化資本和對聞工作高度投入的共融記者,由於對新聞工作有所反思,建立了一套對抗政治限制的報導策略,亦令他們能維持較高獨立性。 ; Studies show that there has been an increase in political influence on the news media in Hong Kong during national reintegration. Although Hong Kong media has appeared to retain much of its autonomy and seems to continue to exercise control over its commercial media system to a large extent, the Chinese State has been active in co-opting media owners and senior management, and there have been some instances of political censorship within media organizations. Does this imply the loss of professional autonomy in the Hong Kong journalistic field? This study sets out to examine the constitution of journalistic autonomy during the period of national reintegration in Hong Kong. ; Theoretically, this study enriches the understandings on journalistic autonomy by bringing in Bourdieu's theory of field. Political economists and American organizational studies both place stress on resisting the influences of political and economic forces on journalistic autonomy. But is autonomy only defined by resistance? Journalists ...

Tang Lok Ming. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2005. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 86-87). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Chapter 1. --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter 2. --- Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome (SARS) --- p.8 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Nature of SARS --- p.8 ; Chapter 2.2 --- Impacts of SARS --- p.9 ; Chapter 2.3 --- Literature of SARS --- p.13 ; Chapter 2.4 --- Evolution of SARS in Mainland China --- p.16 ; Chapter 3. --- Event Study Methodology --- p.18 ; Chapter 4. --- Data --- p.24 ; Chapter 5. --- Results --- p.25 ; Chapter 5.1 --- Hong Kong --- p.26 ; Chapter 5.2 --- Mainland China --- p.31 ; Chapter 6. --- Conclusion --- p.47 ; Figures --- p.50 ; Tables --- p.59 ; Appendix --- p.64 ; References --- p.86

Adelaide Nga-yan Lau. ; Thesis submitted in: December 2001. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2002. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 152-158). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Introduction --- p.p. 1 -4 ; Theoretical Framework --- p.p.5-25 ; The Habermasian public sphere ; Chapter ■ --- Universal access ; Chapter ■ --- Topics of public concern ; Chapter ■ --- Rational discussion ; Gatekeeping in production ; Chapter ■ --- Individual gatekeeping ; Chapter ■ --- Organizational gatekeeping ; Chapter ■ --- Impact of commercialization ; Phone-in Programs as Media Public Spheres --- p.p.26-46 ; Factors for developing public sphere ; Chapter ■ --- Capitalism ; Chapter ■ --- Freedom of expression ; Media and political communication in Hong Kong ; Political and social contexts of radio phone-in programs ; Chapter ■ --- Period of germination ; Chapter ■ --- Period of recognition ; Chapter ■ --- Period of flourishing ; Three radio phone-in programs in Hong Kong ; Chapter ■ --- RTHK's Talkabout ; Chapter ■ --- Commercial Radio's Teacup in a Storm ; Chapter ■ --- Metro Radio's Metropolitics ; Methodology --- p.p.47-55 ; Data collection ; Chapter ■ --- The Robert Chung case ; Data analysis ; Chapter ■ --- Content analysis ; Chapter ■ --- Discourse analysis ; Analysis I - Universal Access --- p.p.56-76 ; Technologies enhance accessibility ; Equal opportunity for callers ; Selecting calls ; Chapter ■ --- Screening in Talkabout ; Chapter ■ --- Screening in Teacup in a Storm ; Chapter ■ --- Screening in Metropolitics ; What is universal access? ; Analysis II - Topics of Public Concern --- p.p.77-96 ; Topics initiated by the public ; Handling of topics initiated by the public ; Characteristics of pre-set discussion topics ; Chapter ■ --- Characteristics of discussion topics in Talkabout ; Chapter ■ --- Characteristics of discussion topics in Teacup in a Storm ; Chapter ■ --- Characteristics of discussion topics in Metropolitics ; Who sets the media agenda? ; Analysis III - Rational Discussion ...

학위논문 (석사)-- 서울대학교 대학원 : 철학과(서양철학전공), 2012. 2. 정호근. ; The objective of this thesis is to elucidate the concept of the general will and to make Rousseau's point clear by refuting criticisms which determine the general will as totalitarianism. To this end, I would like to reconstruct the concept of the general will by focusing on Rousseau's paradoxical expression of 'forcing to be free'. Because I think that it is possible to get a correct understanding of the general will through paying attention to this phrase. There are two kinds of 'forcing to be free' in the theory of Rousseau's General will. One is found in the notorious passage arguing that whoever refuses to obey the general will must be forced to be free in the Book 1 chapter 7 of On Social Contract. The other is implicit one in the passage discussing the conditions of the general will in the Book 2 chapter 3 and Book 2 chapter 7(part 4 chapter 8). I would like to examine these problems respectively and try to show that Rousseau's ultimate point consists in not 'forcing' but 'freedom'. Conclusively, the authentic difficulty of interpreting of Rousseau's logic is that nevertheless 'forcing to be free' is necessary to the production of the general will, he permit the possibility of failure of this process in practice. Rousseau's theory of the popular sovereignty argues that the foundation of legitimacy of the state does not consist in the divine or natural foundation but in the autonomous will of the people. Despite this theoretical postulate, the people appear to not only rational and social unity, but also always potentially the multitude as disordered gathering of individuals who are vulnerable to a capricious passion. On the one hand, the people's general will should make a society legitimate, particular deliberation of the people may be contingent and could make an erroneous decision on the other. As a result, Rousseau introduces the legislator or the civil religion which is external to a people in order to transform a multitude into unified people. However, because of the very reason that people are still and always multitude, they consequently could not obey this foreign authority so the problem regarding difficulty of self-ruling of the people remains unsolved. At a glance, Rousseau's theory of popular sovereignty seems to optimistic assertion that the people should and could govern itself. But Rousseau's pessimistic claim that the ideal people cannot be naturally given, but must be constructed by constant effort should not be overlooked as well. Finally, the introduction of the legislator or the civil religion is not contradictory to the principle of popular sovereignty because the success or failure of this heteronomous agency is uncertain and the popular sovereignty keeps still its autonomy. The problems are described as follows: the general will aiming at common good could fell to mere will of all by acquiring of a particular will possessed by some individuals. In the same way, the people who should be unitary and organic are degenerated into a blind multitude and the citizen who must be active and rational in the collective deliberation into a passive, passionate subject. The principle of the popular sovereignty claiming that good law makes a good people but the origin of the good law must be also the people, and the fact that primitive people does not have any capacity to legislate such good law is the source of the circular logic Rousseau engages. It also suggests that the self-ruling of the people is not easily attainable project by the introduction of the legislator or the civil religion because after the initial social contract, passionate, irrational and apolitical properties of the human being who had had those attributes in the state of nature cannot be completely eradicated. So the state of the society in Rousseau is more vulnerable than the traditional reading in that there is always the danger of reemergence of the state of nature. The fact that the sovereignty belongs to the people but the people do not have such capacity to exert the sovereignty is the central ambiguity derived from the theory of popular sovereignty in Rousseau. Rousseau's democracy as self-ruling of the people, therefore, remains always incomplete, contestable and unfinished democracy. This paradox of Rousseau is deduced from the consistent, thorough accomplishment of the principle of the freedom. In other words, Rousseau's premises arguing that the legitimacy of the politics does not have any transcendent and ultimate ground and its source is a unique source of will of the people as free being even permit the freedom to refuse their freedom. That is to say, individual citizens must be forced to be free but also can have the (natural) freedom not to be forced to have (civil and moral) freedom. In short, as though effective denaturalization is necessarily required to make man into citizen, it remains a process without a priori guarantee. Thus, the binary oppositions which support Rousseau's whole system, such as oppositions between the society and nature, the people and multitude and the general will and the will of all always have the possibility of confusion in practice. That danger renders the general will only transient or temporary in the conflictual process of politics. The fundamental problem of politics suggested by Rousseau is that the passage from the state of nature to the state of society is necessary, but is also very difficult and could not be achieved entirely. In conclusion, all these considerations show that Rousseau's political philosophy does not defense the alleged totalitarianism but is the philosophy of 'freedom' in the strict and consistent sense of the word. ; 본 논문의 목적은 을 중심으로 루소의 일반의지 개념의 정체를 해명하고, 이를 전체주의로 규정하는 비판들로부터 루소의 논지를 명료하게 하는 것이다. 이를 위해 나는 '자유롭도록 강제'된다는 루소의 역설적인 표현을 중심으로 일반의지 개념을 재구성하고자 하며, 이 점에 주목할 때 비로소 일반의지 개념에 대한 정확한 이해가 가능하다고 본다. 루소의 일반의지 이론에서는 크게 두 가지의 '자유롭도록 강제됨'이 나타난다. 하나는 일반의지를 거부하는 자들이 자유롭도록 강제되어야한다고 주장하는 1부 7장의 주장이며 다른 하나는 2부 3장 및 2부 7장(4부 8장)에서 일반의지의 성립 조건을 논의하는 대목에서 드러난다. 나는 이들을 각각 살펴보고 루소의 궁극적인 강조점은 강제가 아니라 자유에 있음을 보여주고자 한다. 결론적으로, 루소의 논리를 따를 때 나타나는 진정한 난점은 자유롭도록 강제하는 과정이 일반의지의 산출을 위해 필수적임에도 불구하고, 실천적으로는 이것이 실패할 수 있는 여지를 허용하는 데에 있다. 루소의 인민주권론은 국가 정당성의 토대가 신적인 것이나 자연적인 근거에 있다는 견해를 부정하고 인민의 자율적인 의지가 정치적 권위의 원천이라고 주장한다. 그런데 인민은 항상 이성적이고 사회적인 질서정연한 통일체인 것이 아니라 또한 잠재적으로 정념에 좌우되기 쉬운 개인들의 무질서한 모임으로서 다중으로 현상하기도 한다. 즉 한편으로 인민의 일반의지는 사회를 정당한 것으로 만드는 조건이지만, 다른 한편으로 인민들의 개별 심의는 우연적이며 오류를 범할 수 있는 것이다. 따라서 루소는 다중을 인민으로 만들기 위해서 입법자와 시민종교와 같은 인민 외부의 권위를 도입한다. 그러나 인민은 그들이 다중이라는 바로 그 이유로 이러한 외부적 권위에 복종하지 않을 수도 있기 때문에, 인민이 스스로를 통치하는 것에 관한 난점은 해결되지 않는다. 일견 루소의 인민주권론은 인민이 인민 자신을 통치해야 한다는 낙관적 주장으로 보이지만, 인민은 그 자체로 주어지거나 발견될 수 없으며 다만 이상적 인민으로 구성되어야 한다는 루소의 비관적 주장 역시 간과되어서는 안 된다. 결국 입법자나 시민종교의 도입은 인민주권의 원리와 상충되는 것이 아닌데, 이러한 타율적 장치의 성공 여부는 불확실하여 인민주권은 여전히 그 자율성을 지니기 때문이다. 문제는 공동이익을 지향해야 할 일반의지가 각 개인이 갖는 특수의지의 득세에 의해 한갓 전체의지로 전락할 위험, 통일적이고 유기적이어야 할 인민이 무지몽매하고 개별적인 다중으로 전락할 위험, 집단적인 심의에 있어 능동적이고 합리적이어야 할 시민이 수동적이고 정념에만 사로잡힌 신민으로 전락할 위험에 있다. 좋은 법이 좋은 인민을 만들지만 좋은 법의 출처는 또한 인민이어야 한다는 인민주권의 원리, 그리고 최초의 인민은 그러한 입법을 할 수 있는 역량을 가지지 못하는 다중이라는 상황이 루소가 사로잡힌 순환 논리의 원천이다. 그런데 사회계약 이후에도 인간이 자연 상태에서 갖던 감성적, 비합리적, 비정치적 속성은 완전히 해소되지 않으며, 이는 입법자나 시민종교 같은 장치를 통해서도 인민의 자기통치가 온전히는 달성될 수 없는 난제임을 보여준다. 이처럼 루소의 사회 상태는 항상 부분적으로나마 자연 상태가 돌발할 수도 있는 위험을 갖는다는 점에서 취약한 것이다. 주권은 인민에 속하지만 인민은 스스로를 직접 통치할 수 있는 역량을 결여한다는 것이 루소의 인민주권론이 보여주는 애매성이다. 그러므로 인민의 자기통치로서 루소의 민주주의는 항상 불완전하여 계속해서 갱신되고 수정되어야 하는 미완의 민주주의로 남는다. 루소에서 이러한 역설은 자유의 원리를 일관되게 관철시키게 됨에서 귀결된다. 즉 정치의 정당성에는 어떠한 선험적이고 궁극적인 토대도 없다는 것, 인민은 자유로운 존재로서 그들의 의지만이 정치적 정당성의 유일한 원천이라는 루소의 전제는 그들이 스스로의 자유를 거부할 자유마저도 허용한다. 다시 말해 각 개인은 일반의지의 실현을 위해서 자유롭도록 강제되어야 하지만, 이들은 '자유롭도록'(즉 시민적 자유와 도덕적 자유) 강제되지 않을 수 있는 자유(즉 자연적 자유)를 가질 수도 있다. 요컨대 인간을 시민으로 만들기 위해서는 효과적인 탈자연화가 요구되지만, 이는 보증없는 과정이다. 따라서 루소의 체계를 떠받치는 이항대립, 즉 사회와 자연, 인민과 다중, 일반의지와 전체의지는 항상 실천적으로는 혼동될 위험을 가지며 이러한 위험은 일반의지가 정치의 갈등적인 과정 속에서 단지 일시적으로만 가능한 것으로 만든다. 루소가 보여주는 정치의 근본 문제는 자연 상태로부터 사회 상태로의 이행이 필수적이지만, 동시에 이것이 매우 어렵고 온전히 달성될 수 없다는 것이다. 결론적으로 이러한 탐구는 루소의 철학이 전체주의를 대변하는 것이 아니라 여전히 '자유'의 철학이며, 그것도 매우 일관적인 의미에서 그러함을 보여준다. ; Master