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This research aims to analyze the notion of freedom in Adela Cortina as the foundation of the best possible education. Pedagogies have the means and resources to teach the proper human dispositions. Allowing access to education, to justice, to similar economic opportunities, guarantees equality as a social capacity; It is thus that solidarity is conformed as self-realization before others. This is served by respect, tolerance for intercultural dialogue to take place as an ability to settle differences; thus, expressing democratic societies as human confluence. It is a bibliographic study of a rationalist nature.Este trabajo está depositado en Zenodo:DOI: https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.5673236 ; Esta investigación tiene el objetivo de analizar la noción de libertad en Adela Cortina como basamento de la mejor educación posible. Las pedagogías disponen los medios y recursos para enseñar las debidas disposiciones humanas. Permitir el acceso a la educación, a la justicia, a similares oportunidades económicas, garantiza la igualdad como capacidad social; es así que la solidaridad se conforma como realización de sí ante los otros. Sirve esto el respeto, la tolerancia para que acontezca el diálogo intercultural como habilidad para dirimir diferencias; así, expresar sociedades democracias como confluencia humana. Es un estudio bibliográfico de carácter racionalista.

With an interpretative focus, this article explains why for Benjamin Constantdemocracy could only appear where a necessary relation between freedom asdefense of individual rights —freedom as independency or negative freedom— andfreedom conceived as principle of public participation —freedom as autonomy orpositive freedom— is present. This article also underscores the importance thatthe author gave to those traditions that embodied the configuration of a nation'scultural universe. The article concludes that one can find in the work of Constant aclear defense of Rule of Law and pluralism that can enlighten the comprehension ofpolitical problems in the contemporary world. ; A partir de un enfoque interpretativo, en este artículo se aborda por quépara Benjamin Constant la democracia solo puede darse en donde se presentauna relación necesaria entre la libertad entendida como defensa de los derechosindividuales —libertad como independencia o negativa— y la libertad concebidacomo principio de la participación pública —libertad como autonomía o positiva—.Asimismo, se presenta la importancia que atribuye el autor a las tradiciones quedan vida a la configuración del universo cultural de un pueblo. Se concluye queen la obra de Constant se encuentra una clara defensa del Estado de derecho y delpluralismo, la cual puede iluminar la comprensión de los problemas políticos de lacontemporaneidad.

La libertad de empresa es utilizada como pretexto para ilustrar las relaciones y jerarquías entre libertades económicas comunitarias y derechos fundamentales en el ordenamiento multinivel europeo. Su estrecha relación con las libertades económicas comunitarias y con el objetivo del mercado interior, han dotado a la libertad de empresa de una especial fortaleza a la hora de dirimir sus eventuales conflictos con otros derechos acogidos aparentemente en pie de igualdad en la reciente redefinición de los objetivos de la UE. Por otro lado, cuando esta primacía se transplanta al ordenamiento interno se corre el riesgo de alterar los equilibrios del sistema de derechos de los Estados, anclados en el constitucionalismo del Estado social. ; Freedom to conduct a business is used as a pretext to illustrate the relationships and hierarchies between Community economic freedoms and fundamental rights in the European multilevel legal system. The close relationship of this with the EU objective of the internal market and with Community economic freedoms, have provided it with a special strength when settling the possible conflicts with other rights recently welcomed into the redefinition of the objectives of the European Union on an equal footing. Furthermore, when this primacy is transplanted into national law it runs the risk of upsetting the balance of the system of states rights, anchored in the constitutionalism of the social state.

It describes the changes that Internet has occasioned in globalized world.This new media has revolucionized, in many aspects, the economic, culturaland social environments. It examines he related problems to freedom (andcontrol) ofthe contents, the personal privacy, were and more weakened inthe net, and the security politics that ha ve evolved since 11th. September. ; Describe los cambios que ha ocasionado Internet en un mundo globalizado.Este nuevo medio ha revolucionado, en muchos aspectos, los ámbitos económicos,culturales y sociales. Se examinan los problemas relativos a la libertad(y control) de los contenidos; la intimidad personal, cada vez másvulnerada en la red; y las políticas de seguridad que ha evolucionado apartir del 11 de septiembre.

El Tratado teológico-político de Spinoza supone un potente alegato por la libertad de pensamiento y de expresión. Pero el filósofo afirma, por otra parte, que nadie tiene por completo el derecho de actuar según sus deseos y a su arbitrio, pues hay que obedecer incondicionalmente las leyes, incluso las más absurdas. ¿Se trata de una paradoja? ¿Es posible separar con claridad en la vida política los ámbitos de la libertad de expresión y de la libertad de acción? ¿Es posible establecer con precisión los límites de la libertad de acción? Al abordar estas cuestiones, el artículo nos recuerda un texto de Spinoza, en el que, utilizando el ejemplo de Ulises con las sirenas, se indica que obedecer no es necesariamente cumplir las órdenes. No se trata de desobediencia civil ni de un derecho a la rebelión, sino del derecho a la obediencia perfecta: libertad de acción de acuerdo con una constitución verdaderamente común. ; The Spinoza's Theological-Political Treatise is a powerful defense of the freedoms of thought and expression. But the philosopher says, moreover, that no one is completely entitled to act according to their wishes and at its discretion, because everybody must unconditionally obey the laws, even the most absurd. Is it a paradox? Is it possible to separate clearly the fields of the freedom of expression and the freedom of action in political life? Is it possible to establish with precision the limits of freedom of action? To address this matter, the article reminds us a text of Spinoza, who, using the example of Ulysses with sirens, points out that obeying is not necessarily to fulfill the orders. It is not a matter of civil disobedience or of a right to rebellion, but of the right to a perfect obedience: a freedom of action in accordance with a truly common Constitution.

With an interpretative focus, this article explains why for Benjamin Constant democracy could only appear where a necessary relation between freedom as defense of individual rights —freedom as independency or negative freedom— and freedom conceived as principle of public participation —freedom as autonomy or positive freedom— is present. This article also underscores the importance that the author gave to those traditions that embodied the configuration of a nation's cultural universe. The article concludes that one can find in the work of Constant a clear defense of Rule of Law and pluralism that can enlighten the comprehension of political problems in the contemporary world. ; Desde un enfoque interpretativo, en este artículo se aborda por qué para Benjamin Constant la democracia solo puede darse en donde se presenta una relación necesaria entre la libertad entendida como defensa de los derechos individuales —libertad como independencia o negativa— y la libertad concebida como principio de la participación pública —libertad como autonomía o positiva—. Asimismo, se presenta la importancia que atribuye el autor a las tradiciones que dan vida a la configuración del universo cultural de un pueblo. Se concluye que en la obra de Constant se encuentra una clara defensa del Estado de derecho y del pluralismo, la cual puede iluminar la comprensión de los problemas políticos de la contemporaneidad.

The document presents the results of a comparative legal analysis dedicated to the constitutions of the European states regarding the identification of norms that guarantee the freedom of the social media in them. Methodologically the study was built on the basis of a dialectical approach to the dissemination of legal phenomena and processes using general scientific methods (systemic, logical, analysis and synthesis) and particular. By way of conclusion, all the evidence shows that, in the most common version, the constitutional regulation of guarantees is concise and includes only the recognition or guarantee of the freedom of the media together with the prohibition of censorship. In more detailed versions, prohibitive or regulatory rules may indicate specific types of liability, administrative procedures, etc. For federal states, it is typical to pay special attention to press matters within the scope of jurisdiction issues.

Following the terrorist attacks of September 11, cultural supplements of the most read newspapers in Germany, as well as new publications on that subject, quoted the geopolitical concepts and points of view gathered in the works of the Nazi jurist Carl Schmitt (1888-1985). The author of this article shows how this discourse –which points out to the emergence of new transgressive political agents- articulates, certainly in a non explicit way, the preoccupation with Western constructed masculinities, which were considered as endangered. In these responses the idea of a masculinity capable of defending a new world order is rehabilitated in the name of "liberty" of "the Western world" and of "mankind". This idea of masculinity conveys not only a fascist past, but also a fascination with submission and the use of violence against the civil standards of the rule of law. Finally, this analysis shows how, in the present construction of a new world order, what is at stake is the struggle for a new hegemonic masculinity, pointing out as well the high price of the exclusions that it exercises.

1. Words and meanings A disturbing aspect of recent years is the emptying of meaning suffered by the terms of the political lexicon. This mutation in meaning has affected, in particular, the two terms that more than any other express the sources of legitimation of political systems: liberty and democracy, as well as the liberal-democracy combination that has become Italy, in the last ten years, in the ideological label claimed by almost all political forces —right, center and left—, as confirmation of the general programmatic vacuum and the loss of meaning of political language, always prone, despite the proclaimed crisis of "ideologies", to ideological and propagandistic uses. ; 1. Palabras y significados Un aspecto inquietante de estos últimos años es el vaciamiento de sentido sufrido por los términos del léxico político. Esta mutación en el significado ha afectado, en particular, a los dos términos que más que ningún otro expresan las fuentes de legitimación de los sistemas políticos: la libertad y la democracia, así como la combinación liberal—democracia que se ha convertido en Italia, en los últimos diez años, en la etiqueta ideológica reivindicada por casi todas las fuerzas políticas —de derecha, de centro y de izquierda—, como confirmación del vacío programático general y de la pérdida de sentido del lenguaje político, siempre proclive, no obstante la proclamada crisis de las "ideologías", a usos ideológicos y propagandísticos.

El tema de las relaciones Iglesia-Estado debe ser situado en el marco de la libertad religiosa, como derecho fundamental de la persona humana. El autor plantea las cuestiones más recientes—laicidad, uso de símbolos religiosos en espacios públicos, posible reforma de la Ley de libertad religiosa— a la luz de la doctrina conciliar sobre la libertad de conciencia (DH 13) y en diálogo con el ordenamiento jurídico español: Acuerdos de 1976, Constitución de 1978 (art.16), Ley Orgánica de Libertad religiosa de 1980. ; The theme of the Church-State relations must be located in the framework of religious freedom, as fundamental right of human person. The author considers the questions the most recent —laicism, use of religious symbols in public spaces, eventual reform of the Law of religious freedom— harmonizing the doctrine of freedom of conscience (DH 13) with the juridical Spanish classification: Agreement of 1976, Constitution of 1978 (art.16), Law of religious freedom of 1980.

For more than 60 years, censorship in Cuba has been fundamental to the permanence of the dictatorship in power. Since the victory of the Cuban Revolution in January 1959, the predecessor political organizations of the Communist Party of Cuba (PCC), and later the PCC itself, relied on ideological apparatus to control the press. This was later summed up in the PCC's Ideological Department, which still exists. ; For more than 60 years, censorship in Cuba has been fundamental to the permanence of the dictatorship in power. Since the victory of the Cuban Revolution in January 1959, the predecessor political organizations of the Communist Party of Cuba (PCC), and later the PCC itself, had ideological apparatus to control the press. Later, this was summed up in the PCC's Ideological Department, which still exists.

The research made possible to explain why economic freedom was a factor that contributed to improving individual well-being in Peru during the period 1970-2014. Based on this objective, a descriptive analysis was performed on the relationship between the variables, plus two approximations were used based on the inferential analysis: Spearman correlation coefficient and Ordinary Least Squares estimate.Thus, the main results show that there is a relationship between the Index of Economic Freedom and the Gross Domestic Product per capita, and the strong degree of this relationship. In addition, it was found that the sense of the relationship is positive and statistically significant.In this way, it was concluded that economic freedom is one of the factors that influenced individual welfare, and consequently, general well-being of the population. However, economic freedom is necessary but not a sufficient condition for determining well-being. Therefore, among the main aspects of economic freedom in Peru we found improvements in the regulation of credit, labor and business, international trade and financial strength, as well as more modest advances in the legal structure and size of government. ; La investigación permitió explicar por qué la libertad económica fue un factor que contribuyó a mejorar el bienestar individual en Perú durante el período 1970-2014. A partir de dicho objetivo, se realizó un análisis descriptivo sobre la relación entre las variables y se utilizaron dos aproximaciones basadas en el análisis inferencial: el coeficiente de correlación de Spearman y una estimación mediante Mínimos Cuadrados Ordinarios. Siendo así, se obtuvieron como principales resultados que existe una relación entre el Índice de Libertad Económica y el Producto Bruto Interno per cápita, y que el grado de dicha relación es fuerte. Además, se constató que el sentido de la relación es positiva y estadísticamente significativa. De este modo, se concluyó que la libertad económica es uno de los factores que influyó en el bienestar individual, y consiguientemente, en el bienestar general de la población. No obstante, la libertad económica es una condición necesaria pero no suficiente para determinar el bienestar. Es así que entre los principales aspectos que resaltan sobre la libertad económica en Perú, se encontraron: mejoras que se implementaron en la regulación del crédito, trabajo y negocios, comercio internacional y fortaleza financiera, así como avances más modestos en la estructura legal y el tamaño del gobierno.

The present paper is framed in the general problem of the decision making process in cases of weighting or balancing ties. Although the theory of principles and weighing offered by Robert Alexy is taken into account in the formulation of the problem, in the proposal of solution –through three rules, applicable to the scenario of a weighing tie– we move away from the alexyan proposal. The rules offered here seek to be heuristics for solving cases of weighting ties.Collision of principles - weighting ties - democratic principle - in dubio pro libertate ; El presente artículo se enmarca en la problemática general de la toma de decisiones en supuestos de empates de ponderación. Si bien para el planteamiento del problema se toma en consideración la teoría de los principios y ponderación ofrecida por Robert Alexy, en la propuesta de solución —mediante tres reglas aplicables a los supuestos de empate— nos alejamos de la propuesta alexyana. Las reglas propuestas buscan ser heurísticas para la solución de casos de empates de ponderación.Colisión de principios - empates de ponderación - principio democrático - in dubio pro libertate

The article is devoted to the study of the issues of restrictions on the freedom of information that has arisen under the impact of the novel coronavirus outbreak. Another goal of the paper is identifying ways to protect such rights or to indicate which amendments to the law might be of use. The research methodology is based on general and special scientific methods, in particular: analytical, comparative-legal, systemic, and structural. The structure of the work includes: the review of international and Ukrainian legislation related to the freedom of information; the possibilities of its restriction; possible ways to enabling safe and secure management of the freedom of information during the coronacrisis. An analysis of international experience was carried out, as well as aspects of the protection of civil liberties such as freedom of speech, the right of peaceful assembly, etc. Several problematic issues were identified. Although, the general results of the study can be interpreted as alarming trends in the field of human rights and civil liberties. Particularly, it is multiple violations of the freedom of information all around the world under quarantine restrictions.