Suchergebnisse

Anahtar Kelimeler: Güç Yönetimi, Teknolojik Gelişmeler, Dijital Televizyon, Televizyon Yayıncılık Sistemleri, Televizyon Yayıncılığı, Dijital Teknoloji, Yakınsaklık, Geniş Bantlı Şebekeler, Yeni Medya, İnternet Protokolü Televizyonu, Yönetim, Yönetişim, Teknoloji, Yakınsama, IPTVÖZETTELEVİZYON İÇİN YENİ YAYIN TEKNOLOJİLERİ VE IPTVToplum sözleşmesi kuramları yönetenlerle yönetilenlerin karşılıklı sözleşme yaptıklarını varsaydıkları için "kurgusal" kuramlardır. 17. ve 18. yüzyıllarda ortaya çıkan bu teoriler bireyi toplumun temeline oturtmuştur. 20. yüzyılda dünya savaşları yani modernizim sonrası şekillenen yenidünya düzeni ve demokrasi anlayışının temeli olduğunu söyleyebiliriz. Yönetime katılan birey kamusal alanda etkileşim iletişim ve eylem halinde olan bireydir. Bu bireyin toplumsal faaliyetlere ve dolayısıyla yönetime katılımı esas alınarak yeni toplum formlarının oluştuğunu söyleyebiliriz. Hızlı bir şekilde ortaya çıkan bilimsel ve teknolojik gelişmeler tüm politikaların ve alışılagelmiş yönetim anlayışlarının kökten değiştirilmesi ihtiyacını doğurmuştur.1990'lı yıllardan bu yana Uluslararası hukuk ve insan hakları alanına yapılan vurgu ile "egemenlik tek başına demokrasiden aldığı güçle en yüksek devlet gücü olarak görülmemektedir. Ülkeler teknoloji öngörü çalışmaları yürüterek yeni bilim ve teknoloji politikaları tasarlayarak gelecekteki dünya beklentisi kaygılarını ortadan kaldırmayı hedeflemektedirler. Birleşmiş Milletler, Dünya Bankası, IMF ve OECD gibi kurumların raporlarında sıkça rastlanan "iyi yönetişim" kavramı son 20 yılın en çok irdelenen kavramı olmuştur. Bu noktada demokrasilerin önkoşulu olan güçler ayrılığı ilkesinin korunması yani yasama yürütme ve yargının bağımsız işleyişi konusunda bağlayıcılık ve sınırlılık esastır. Her ne kadar teknoloji insanoğlunu değiştirse de ve insanoğlu bu değişimlere uyum gösterse de aslında demokrasi ışığında insanoğlunun mülkiyet hakları özgürlükleri güvensiz ortamlar oluşturmadıkça değişimden söz etmemiz doğru olmayacaktır. Özgürlüklerin, mülkiyet haklarının ve kişilerin toplumsal güvencelerinin ortadan kalkması durumunda teknoloji değişimleri insanoğlunun temel davranışlarına etki göstermeyecektir. En temel haklar ışığında insanoğlu toplumsal hareketini her ne koşulda olursa olsun gösterecek ve demokrasiden uzaklaşan yönetimler yönetişim noktasında büyük kayıplar görecektir. Zaman bu noktada önemli bir belirleyici olup modern,çağdaş bir toplum arzusundaki toplumlar için bu değişkenler asla değişmeyecektir. Keywords: Power Management, Technological Developments, Digital Television, Television Broadcasting Systems, Television Broadcasting, Digital Technology, Almost Convergence, Broadband Networks, New Media, Internet Protocol Television, Management, Governance, Technology, ConvergenceABSTRACTTELEVISION FOR NEW BROADCAST TECHNOLOGY AND IPTVSocial contract theories are "fictional" theories in that they presume that the governors and the governed make a reciprocal contract. These theories came upon on 17th and 18th centuries and predicate the individuals on society. 20th century world wars that shaped post-modernism are the foundation of the new world order and the concept of democracy.The individuals involved in the governance process are in communication, interaction and in the action within the public domain. We can say that the new forms are shaped on the basis of the involvement in the social movements and the governance of the individuals. Rapidly emerging scientific and technological developments led to the need for a radically revised understanding of all policies and conventional governance. Since 1990s, sovereignty is not considered as the strongest power of the government while there is the emphasis on the international law and human rights. Countries aim to eliminate the concerns on the expectations of future world by both realizing technology prediction studies and designing new scientific and technological policies. The term "good governance", which is mentioned frequently in the reports of the institutions like United Nations, World Bank, IMF and OECD, has become the most examined term within the recent two decades.At this point, dependency and the limitedness are the essentials on protecting the principle of separation of powers, which is a prerequisite of democracies. Even if we could say that the technology shapes and changes the actions of the individuals and the individuals can adapt to these changes, it would not be right/realistic to talk about real changes unless the property rights and the freedom of the human beings become insecure in the light of the democracies.To sum up, no matter how, human being will demonstrate his social movements in any case and the governments getting away from the democracies will experience great losses. Time will be one of the most important determinants at this juncture and for the societies having the desire to become more modernized these variables will never change.

Güney Afrika'da 1948 yılında başlayan Apartheid rejimi 27 Nisan 1994 yılında gerçekleştirilen ülkenin ilk ve çok partili demokratik seçimlerine kadar hâkim yönetim anlayışı olmuştur. Apartheid rejimi hükümetleri medyayı kendi kontrolleri altında tutmak için hem yasalardan hem de idari kontrol gücünden yararlanmıştır. Daniel François Malan ile başlayan ve 1960'larda zirveye ulaşan Apartheid rejimi basını ve tüm medyayı kontrol altına almıştır. Afrikaanca dilinde yayın yapan basın kuruluşları rejimin sözcüsü gibi hareket ederken, muhalif İngilizce basın sansüre maruz bırakılmıştır. Radyo ve televizyon sektörleri de Güney Afrika Yayın Kurumu (South African Broadcasting Corporation – SABC) tarafından kontrol edilmiş ve kurum tam anlamıyla 1980'lerin ikinci yarısından itibaren başlayacak olan liberalleşme dalgasına kadar televizyon ve radyo alanında ülkedeki tekel konumunu korumuştur. Sinemada durum bundan farklı değildir. A Şeması ve B Şeması sübvansiyonlarıyla Apartheid hükümetleri sinema sektörünü kontrol etmiş ve filmlerin otosansüre bağlı olmasını sağlamıştır. Apartheid ideolojisine aykırı filmlerin veya eleştirel filmlerin özgür bir şekilde halka gösterilmesi mümkün olmamıştır. Örneğin, eleştirel bir filmin yönetmeni olan Gibson Kente, How Long (1976) filminin içeriği yüzünden tutuklanmıştır. 1980 – 1990 döneminde üçüncü sinema ve eleştirel filmlerin yükselişe geçmesi ülkenin içinde bulunduğu siyasal ortamla direkt olarak bağlantılıdır. Apartheid rejiminin zayıflaması üzerine üçüncü kuşak sinema ve eleştirel filmler mevcut rejime karşı çok önemli bir sanat aracı olarak karşı durmuştur. Sistem ve hükümet eleştirisi yapmışlardır. Eleştirel filmler ve üçüncü sinema Apartheid rejiminin çözülme yıllarında demokrasi mücadelesini destekler nitelikte Apartheid eleştirisi yapmışlardır. Bu kuşağın en önemli özelliği rejim ve sistem eleştirisi yapmasıdır. Sinema alanına özgürlüğü getiren iki husus vardır. Birincisi, Güney Afrika'nın 1980'lerden itibaren büyük bir yıkıma sebep olabilecek bir iç savaşa doğru sürüklenmesidir. Bundan çekinen Apartheid hükümetleri sadece sinemayı değil, basın ve televizyon olmak üzere birçok medya alanını kısmen de olsa özgürleştirmiştir. Baskıları hafifletmiş ve muhalif gazetelerin yayınlarına izin verilmiştir. Bu ortamdan faydalanan yönetmen ve yapımcılar 1980 – 1990 döneminde üçüncü sinema kuşağını ve eleştirel filmleri beyaz perdeye aktarmışlardır. Sinema alanına özgürlüğü getiren ikinci ve en önemli husus siyasal dönüşümdür. Siyasal dönüşümün neticesinde demokrasiye geçilmesinin temel sebepleri uluslararası baskı, Güney Afrika'ya uygulanan ambargolar, siyahların silahlı mücadelesi ve ülkenin uluslararası toplumdan izole edilmesidir. Sinema Apartheid döneminde hükümetlerin baskısı altındayken siyasal dönüşümden sonra özgürlük ortamına kavuşmuştur. Siyasal dönüşümün en önemliayağı olan anayasa çalışmaları neticesinde 1996 Anayasası yapılmıştır. Bu anayasada medya ve ifade özgürlüğü garanti altına alınmıştır. İfade özgürlüğünün anayasal garanti altına alınması ırksal çeşitliliği ve demokrasisi sayesinde 2000'lerin başında gökkuşağı ulusu olarak nitelenen Güney Afrika'da sinemacıların özgür bir şekilde sanatını icra etmesine olanak tanımıştır. Siyahlar sinemada ayrıma ve ırksal kategorizasyona bağlı olmadan özgür bir şekilde sanatçı ve yapımcı olarak faaliyet göstermeye başlamışlar ve eleştirel yönü kuvvetli filmler çekebilmişlerdir. Makalenin amacı Güney Afrika'da sinemanın Apartheid döneminde ve sonrasındaki değişimini, bu değişimde üçüncü sinema dalgasının etkisini ortaya koymaktır. Bunu anlatabilmek aynı zamanda Apartheid rejiminin siyasal tarihine de değinmeyi gerekli kılar. Güney Afrika'da sinema siyasetten ayrı düşünülemez. Apartheid rejimi sinemayı sansür ve başka araçlarla kontrol altında tutmuştur. Apartheid hükümetlerinin baskısı yumuşadıkça sinemada özgür sesler duyulabilmiştir. Apartheid rejiminin çökmesiyle sinema aktörleri ve yapımcılarının özgürleştiğini görüyoruz. Makalede bu amaca uygun olarak yöntem seçiminde hassasiyetle davranılmış ve gelenekselci – tarihselci yöntem seçilmiştir. Sinemanın gelişimini ve değişimini sosyal ve siyasal bağlamından kopartamayız. Bu sebeple sosyal vakaları bir laboratuvar ortamında çalışmayı öneren davranışsalcı yöntemin yerine tarihsel ve sosyal bağlamında değerlendiren gelenekselci – tarihselci yaklaşım benimsenmiştir. Raymond Aron sosyal bilimlerde ve uluslararası ilişkiler çalışmalarında gelenekselciliği benimseyen bilim insanlarından biridir. Aron'a göre, sosyal vakalar yaşanan sosyal ve siyasal bağlamından kopartılamazlar. Bu sebeple makalede sinemanın gelişimi tarihsel ve sosyal olaylar bağlamında ele alınmış ve gelenekselci yöntem benimsenmiştir. ; In 1948, National Party won the elections under the leadership of Daniel François Malan. François Malan was the founder of Apartheid regime in South Africa. He wanted to divide the country into different races. In this system, black people were isolated from all segments of society and also government of the country. Afrikaans government exploited natural resources of the country and made black people slave and ordinary workers. African National Congress and blacks were organized by Nelson Mandela and his revolutionary friends to topple the regime. In 1980s and 1990s, Apartheid regime was weakened by international isolation, embargoes, economic recession, and armed attacks of African National Congress because of its racist stance. Upon this desperate situation, President of South Africa of that time Frederik Willem de Klerk started the era of political transformation by releasing Nelson Mandela and political prisoners from jail and opening the doors for negotiations. After hard negotiations between governing National Party and African National Congress, on 27 April 1994, African National Congress won the elections and Nelson Mandela was elected as the President of South Africa. In 1996, a new constitution was written. With this constitution, freedom of expression and media was taken under the guarantee of the constitution. This environment freed cinema and other types of media from Apartheid regime's fences. Since that time, South Africa has been called the rainbow nation for its various races, languages, and religions. During Apartheid regime, cinema and other types of media were controlled by Apartheid governments and Afrikaans people. Afrikaans press was the mouthpiece of the governing National Party. English press was censored by Apartheid governments and bureaucrats. Critical press and films were censored. South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC), which was established in 1936 with an official act, has been the state monopoly of radio and television until the mid-1980s. Also, SABC was the mouthpiece of Apartheid governments. Cinema also has been censored until the mid-1980s. Apartheid governments created and used A Scheme and B Scheme Subsidies to control cinema sector. While A Scheme Subsidy was for English and Afrikaans films, B Scheme Subsidy was created for black films including black actors and languages. Films, which benefited from these subsidies, couldn't become critical of Apartheid governments. Critical films were censored and maybe banned according to their degrees. For instance, Gibson Kente, an important director of Apartheid era, was arrested because of his film called How Long (1976) and its critical context. However, political transformation, which was born because of economic recession, international isolation and armed struggle of African National Congress, changed this desperate situation. In 1980s and 1990s, third cinema and critical films developed in South African cinema. These films and third cinema criticized the system of Apartheid and governments. Also, father figure of state was criticized because of its brutal killings. These films were My Country My Hat (1983), Mathata (1984), Mapantsula (1988), the Chicken Man (1990), and Midnite Rush (1990). These cinema milestones criticized Apartheid regime and the system. Thanks to political transformation, which commenced in the late-1980s by National Party and African National Congress, South African cinema has seen an important freedom environment to produce films until today. While Apartheid regime was preventing black people from being actors and directors of films, in new rainbow nation black people can reach these positions while not being isolated by the whites of society. Ramadan Suleman, Khalo Matabane, Teddy Mattera, Zola Maseko, Ntshavheni Wa Luruli, John Kani, and Madoda Ncayiyana are important actors and directors of the new period. Moreover, in this new period black people can reach the presidency of South Africa. After Apartheid, the National Film and Video Foundation was founded to equally support film directors and actors whatever their races or religions. Today, South African cinema provides equal opportunities for blacks and whites. Blacks can take reasonable share from cinema sector today. The purpose of this article is to show changing nature of cinema during and after Apartheid, and impacts of the wave of third cinema on this changing nature. Being able to explain this also makes it necessary to touch upon political history of the Apartheid regime. Cinema in South Africa can't be separated from politics. The Apartheid regime controlled cinema through censorship and other means. As the pressure of the Apartheid governments decreased, free voices could be heard in the cinema. With the collapse of the Apartheid regime, we see the liberation of cinema actors and producers. In the article, the selection of the method in accordance with this purpose has been carefully treated and the traditionalist – historicist method has been chosen. We cannot isolate the development and change of cinema from its social and political context. Because of this reason, the traditionalist - historicist approach, which evaluates social cases in historical and social context, has been adopted instead of the behavioralist method that suggests working social cases in a laboratory environment. Raymond Aron is one of the scientists who embraced traditionalism in social sciences and international relations studies. According to Aron, social cases cannot be detached from their social and political context. For this reason, the development of cinema is discussed in the context of historical and social events in the article and traditionalist method has been adopted.

06.03.2018 tarihli ve 30352 sayılı Resmi Gazetede yayımlanan "Yükseköğretim Kanunu İle Bazı Kanun Ve Kanun Hükmünde Kararnamelerde Değişiklik Yapılması Hakkında Kanun" ile 18.06.2018 tarihli "Lisansüstü Tezlerin Elektronik Ortamda Toplanması, Düzenlenmesi ve Erişime Açılmasına İlişkin Yönerge" gereğince tam metin erişime açılmıştır. ; 1924 yılında etnik temele dayalı bir kimliğin kabul edilmesiyle birlikte başlayan Kürt sorunu, uzun bir zaman ?etnik ayrılıkçı eylemler? olarak tanımlanmış ve ?Kürt kimliği?, ?Kürt sorunu? gibi kavramlar ise kullanılmamıştır. 2010 Türkiyesi'nde, çözümün halen bulunamamış olması, kuşkusuz bu gecikme ile yakından ilişkilidir.Cumhuriyet Yönetimi ve Tek Parti Hükümeti, o dönemde çıkan Kürt isyanlarını, ?eşkıya direnci? olarak tanımlamış ve sert tedbirlerle Kürtlerin direnişini bastırmıştır. Adnan Menderes'in başbakanlığı döneminde, Kürtler ve Güneydoğu Bölgesi hakkında, sosyo-ekonomik ve demokratik bir politikadan söz edilse de, Kürt kimliğinin ve Kürt sorunun inkarı, 1990'lı yıllara kadar devam etmiştir. 1960'tan itibaren yükselen Kürt hareketi ve PKK terörü, yine bu çerçevede değerlendirilmiştir. Aslında bu dönemde Kürt grupları da, bir yandan kendi kimliklerinin tanınmasını isterken, diğer yandan özerklik talep etmişlerdir. Sol Kürt grupların ortaya çıkmasıyla birlikte, Kürtlerin taleplerinde sosyalist eğilimler belirmeye başlamıştır. 1984 yılında Kürt hareketlerini bünyesinde barındıran PKK ise, Türkiye, İran, Irak ve Suriye'deki Kürtleri tek çatı altında birleştiren bağımsız Kürdistan anlayışını benimsemiştir. Günümüze kadar, PKK'nın silahlı eylemleri devam etmiştir. Hatta PKK, Avrupa ülkelerinde de örgütlenerek, bu ülkelerden siyasi destek sağlamaya çalışmıştır.1990'lı yıllar, diğer bir ifadeyle Soğuk Savaş'ın bitimi, Kürt sorununun mahiyetinde önemli değişikliklere sahne olmuştur. Bu dönemde Kürt sorunu, başta dönemin Cumhurbaşkanı Turgut Özal olmak üzere, siyasal aktörler tarafından kabul edilmiş ve soruna yönelik demokratik çözüm arayışları başlamıştır. Ancak yine de, Kürt sorunu konusundaki geleneksel yaklaşımları kırmak mümkün olmadığından, çözüm arayışları söylem olarak kalmıştır.2000'li yıllarda ise, önceki dönemin söylemlerinin somut adımlara dönüştüğü görülmektedir. Bunun en önemli nedeni, Soğuk Savaş'ın sona ermesi ile başlayan, ?insan hakları? ve ?demokrasi? kavramlarının yükselişidir. Türkiye, uluslararası liberal sisteme uyum sağlayabilmek için, tüm demokrasi sorunlarını çözme zarureti ile karşı karşıya kalmıştır. Bu anlamda, Avrupa Birliği'ne tam üyelik hedefi itici güç olarak kabul edilebilir. Diğer yandan, Dağlıca ve Aktütün saldırıları, terörün bitirilmesi konusunda Hükümet'i baskı altına almış ve çözüm arayışlarını hızlandırmıştır.Nihayetinde Hükümet, Kürt sorununun çözümü için, Demokratik Açılım Projesi'ni önermiştir. Demokratik Açılım Projesi bugün, hararetle tartışılmaktadır. Ancak, gerek Kürtlerin talepleri, gerekse siyasal aktörlerin görüşleri incelendiğinde, projenin işlerliğinin olmadığı sonucuna ulaşılmaktadır. Özellikle, Kürtlerin genel af, anadilde eğitim, ayrı bir ulus olarak tanınma ve bölgesel özerklik talepleri, siyasal aktörler tarafından ?bölücü emeller? olarak görülmektedir. Askeri kesim ve muhalefet partileri, bireysel hak ve özgürlüklerin tanınması dışındaki girişimlere şimdilik onay vermemektedir. ; By accepting the ethnic-based national identity in 1924, the Kurdish issue emerged. But for along time that issue was seen as the ethnic separatist movement by the state authorities. Not finding a final solution to the question until today has a direct link to that official approach.The Republican period and single-party government described the Kurdish rebellions as ?eşkıya resistance? and took strong measures in order to suppress them. In the Adnan Menderes Period, socio-economic and democratic policies for Kurdish and Southeastern Anatolia were expressed by the state officials, the Kurdish identity and question was rejected until 1990s. Since 1960 growing Kurdish movement and PKK terorism has been evaluated within the framework of that perspective. In reality in this period the Kurdish groups demanded the reception of their own national identity by the state officials and regional autonomy. With the emergence of leftist Kurdish groups, Kurdish people asked for some Marxist desires. In 1984 PKK, uniting other Kurdish movements under its administrative roof, envisaged establishment of in independent Kurdish state, including the Kurds living in Iran, Iraq, Syria and Turkey. Until today it used the force against the Turkish civilians and army. Even by opening its officies in some European countries, it tried to get their political support.End of the Cold War led to emergence of serious changes in the nature of the Kurdish question. In other words, 1990s one the years where the state officials began to change their perceptions about the issue. In this period the Kurdish issue was accepted by the state official, especially including former President Turgut Özal. They made attempts to find democratic solutions to it. But still they did not put aside their traditional approaches to it; therefore, they did not take some concrete attempts.In 2000s, it is seen that some concrete attempts were taken, because after the end of the Cold War human rights and democracy concepts began to dominate the world politics. In order to adapt itself to the liberal international system, Turkey has been faced with the question of finding solutions to its democratic issues deficiencies. In the meantime it can be accepted that ?the full membership to the European Union? subject is also play a pushing power. On the other hand, PKK?s Dağlıca and Aktütün attacks put the goverment under the suppression in order to stop the PKK terorism and speed up the solution attempts.Concequently the goverment has proposed the ?Democratic Openness Project? in order to find a solution to the Kurdish issue. Today there is a warming debate about the project. But when not only Kurdish demands, but also opinions of the political actors have been analyzed, it can be assumed that within a very short the project cannot be brought into life. Especially Kurdish demands, such as general pardon, education at Kurdish language, necognition of the Kurds as a separate nation, regional autonomy, have still be described by the state actors as the separatist objectives. Military elites and opposition parties do not approve any kind of attempts rather than accepting invidual rights and freedoms.

Milli Güvenlik Kurulu, "devletin milli güvenlik siyasetinin tayini, tespiti ve uygulanması ile kararların alınması ve gerekli koordinasyonun sağlanması" çerçevesinde, silahlı kuvvetler komuta kademesi ile hükümet üyelerinin Cumhurbaşkanı'nın başkanlığında biraraya gelerek, karşılıklı görüş alış verişinde bulundukları ve görüş belirdikleri bir organdır. Özellikle kriz dönemlerinde dönemlerinde Türk siyasal hayatında oldukça etkili bir işlev görev Milli Güvenlik Kurulu, uygulamada oynadığı bu rol nedeniyle, zaman zaman ülkenin "en üst karar organı" nitelemelerine maruz kalmaktadır. Milli Güvenlik Kurulu (MGK), 1961 Anayasası'yla faaliyete başlamıştır. Türkiye'de Milli Güvenlik Kurulu'ndan önce de çeşitli savunma kurulları faaliyette bulunmuştur. Bunlar; Harb Encümeni(1922), Yüksek Müdafaa Meclisi ve Umumi Katipliği (1933) ve Milli Savunma Yüksek Kurulu(1949) dur. Ancak bunların görev alanları askeri savunmaya yönelik sınırlı bir alanı kapsamaktadır. Türkiye'yi bu tür bir organ arayışına iç siyasi gelişmeler ve dengeler ile dış dinamikler ve konjonktür götürmüştür. Dış dinamiklerin başında, özellikle İkinci Dünya Savaşı'ndan sonra ABD öncülüğünde bütün dünyada meydana gelen savunma konseptindeki değişiklik gelmektedir. Bu savaştan sonra milli savunma, kavramından daha kapsayıcı bir kavram olan milli güvenlik kavramına geçilerek, ABD örneğindeki Milli Güvenlik Konseyi(National Securty Cuoncil) gibi milli güvenliği sağlamakla görevli organlar kurulmuştur. Ancak Milli Güvenlik Kurulu uygulamasına Türkiye açısından bakıldığında, mevzuat ve geleneklerden hareketle, iç dinamiklerin belirleyici bir rol oynadığını görmek mümkündür. Bu nedenle Türkiye uygulaması, Batı ülkelerinden önemli ölçüde farklılıklar göstermektedir. Ülkemiz örneğinde asker ve sivillerin eşit oranda temsil edildiği MGK'nda milli güvenlik kavramı çerçevesinde ülkenin ekonomik, siyasal ve sosyal ve kültürel bütün sorunları müzakere edilmekte, toplantı sonucunda alınan kararlar, "alınması zorunlu görülen kararlar" amir hükmüyle Bakanlar Kurulu'na bildirilmektedir. Bu durum, askeri otoritenin devlet yapısı ve siyasal karar süreçleri içindeki özerkliği ile kendisini Batı ordularından ayıran aşırı merkezi yapısının bir sonucudur. Milli Güvenlik Kurulu, mevcut yapısı ve işleyişiyle, üç önemli soruna yol açmaktadır:1-Milli güvenlik kavramının kapsamının müphem ve muğlak bırakılması, uygulamada temel hak ve özgürlüklerin kısıtlanmasına yol açmaktadır.2-Kurul'a katılan kuvvet temsilcileri vasıtasıyla ordu iç politikaya müdahaleyle karşı karşıya bırakılmaktadır.3-Sivil idareyi devamlı gözetim altında tutan bir mekanizma görevi gören Milli Güvenlik Kurulu, yürütmenin gücünü kırmakta, enerjisini tüketme, zayıf ve etkisiz bırakmaktadır.Anayasa'da ve ilgili mevzuatta düzenlenen Kurul'un yapısı yeniden ele alınmalıdır. Kurulun amacı, statüsü, görevleri tartışmalara imkan vermeyecek şekilde, net bir şekilde ortaya konulmalıdır. Yapılacak yeni düzenlemede Kurul, asker -sivil hesaplaşma alanı olmaktan çıkarılma ve bir "danışma kurulu" statüsünü aşmamalıdır.THESIS SUMMARYThe National Security Council is an organ, consisting of the armed forces command rank and goverment members, who convene within the frame of "determination, designation and application of state's national security policy, taking decisionds and providing the necessary coordination", under the presidency oy the Head of State and mutually exchange views and state opinions. The National Security Council, whic performs a quite efective function especially in crises periods, due to the role it plays in application, is being exposed from time to time to " the highest decision organ" of the country description. The National Security Council (MGK), began activity by the Constitution of 1961. Before the National Security Council in Turkey there had been other various defence committees. These were War Council (1922), High Defence Assemly and General Clerkship (1933) and National Defence High Council (1949). However, the duty scopes of these cover a limited area directed towards military defence.Turkey has been carried to the search for such an organ by the internal and external development and balances and by external dynamics an conjunture. The most important of the external dynamics ist the change in the defence concept, that occurred around the world especially after the Second World War in the leadership of the USA. After this var it has been passed from national defence concept to national security, which concept is more comprehensive and as with the example of the USA's National Security Council, organs, appointed to ensure the national security have been established. When looked at the National Security Council application from the viewpoint of Turkey, however, starting from the regulations and customs, it is possible to see that the internal dynamics play a determining role. Therefore the application in Turkey shows substantial differences from the Western Countries. In our country's example in the National Security Council, where the military and civils are represented equally, within the frame of national security concept, economic, political, social and cultural and all problems ar negotiated. Decisions, taken at the end of the meeting, "decisions, regarded as compulsory" are communicated to the Council of Ministers by a superior's order. This situation is a consequence from the autonomy of the military authority from the state structure and political decision mechanism and from its excessive centralized structure, whic distinguishesit from the Western Armies. The National Security Council, with its present structure and functioning, opens the way to three important questions:1-Leaving the national security concept vague and confusing results practinally in the restriction of the basic rights and freedoms. 2-Through the power representatives joining the Council, the army is left face to face with intervention in domestic politics. 3-The National Security Council, which functions as a mechanism, holding the civil execution constantly under supervision, breaks down the strength of he execution, exhausts its energy, leaves it weak and unefective. The Council's structure, coordinated in the constitution and reladet regulations, must be handled anew. The Council's purpose, its status, and duties must be determined in a neat manner, which leaves no ways for debates. The Council in this new arrangement, should stop being a form of military-civil accounts-settling and should not exceed its status of "consulting comittee".

Bu çalışmada düşünce kuruluşlarının kamu diplomasisindeki rolleri incelenmiştir. Bu çerçevede Türkiye, ABD ve Almanya çalışmada karşılaştırılmalı olarak çalışılmış ve böylelikle her ülkeden de birer düşünce kuruluşu örneklem olarak tercih edilmiştir. Kendi ülkelerinin içinde ve dışında bilinirlikleri ve saygınlıkları olan, aynı zamanda faaliyetleri itibariyle diğer düşünce kuruluşlarına nazaran görece çeşitlilikleri bulunan Türkiye menşeili Siyaset, Ekonomi ve Toplum Araştırmaları Vakfı (SETA), ABD menşeili Amerika Birleşik Devletleri Alman Marshall Fonu (German Marshall Fund of the United States-GMF) ve Almanya menşeili Alman Uluslararası ve Güvenlik İşleri Enstitüsü (Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik-SWP) incelenmiştir. Patrick Köllner'in uluslararası ilişkilerde düşünce kuruluşlarının: - Salon işlevi görme ve kişi odaklı iletişim kanalları oluşturma, - Uluslararası ilişkiler çalışmaları hakkında kamuoyunu bilgilendirme, araştırma brokerliği yapma, - Uluslararası ve küresel meseleler hakkında ulusal ve uluslararası gündem oluşturma, - Gayr-ı resmi diplomatik ilişkiler geliştirme, - İkinci görüş sunma, - Danışmanlık işlevi görerek stratejik söylemleri doğrudan etkileme, - Yarı otoriter rejimleri meşrulaştırma ve entelektüel amigoluk yapma, - Düşünce ihraç etme, - Uluslararası ilişkiler ve stratejik araştırmalar anlayışının oluşmasına katkıda bulunma, - Diplomatik eğitimler sunma ve uluslararası ilişkiler eğitim programları yaparak öğrencilere mentörlük etme, rolleri esas alınarak örneklem olarak alınan kurumların kamu diplomasisi bağıntısı araştırılmıştır. Bu doğrultuda çalışmanın iki sorusu bulunmaktadır: 1. Düşünce kuruluşları yürüttükleri faaliyetlerle bir kamu diplomasisi aktörü müdür? 2. Düşünce kuruluşlarının kamu diplomasisi yapım süreçlerinde üstlendikleri roller nelerdir? Birinci soru bağlamında çalışmanın temel hipotezi: sivil inisiyatif olma özelliği bakımından düşünce kuruluşları kamu diplomasisinde birer aktördür. İkinci soru bağlamında çalışmanın temel hipotezi: Köllner'in düşünce kuruluşlarına uluslararası ilişkiler bağlamında atfettiği roller, örneklem düşünce kuruluşları tarafından kamu diplomasisi faaliyeti kapsamında oynanmaktadır. Çalışmanın hipotezlerini sorgulamak için karma bir araştırma yöntemi takip edilmiş ve "literatür taraması", "içerik analizi" ve "niteliksel araştırma" yöntemleri kullanılmıştır. Araştırmanın literatür taraması kısmını diplomasi, kamu diplomasisi ve düşünce kuruluşları oluşturmuştur. İçerik analizi kısmını üç kurumun web sayfaları ve medya yansımaları, rapor, dergi, konferans, panel ve sempozyum bildirileri oluşturmuştur. Son olarak niteliksel araştırma kısmını ise düşünce kuruluşlarının yetkilileri, kamu diplomasisi kurumlarında, düşünce kuruluşlarında görev alanlar ve akademisyenlerden oluşan 13 kişi ile derinlemesine mülakatlar yapılmıştır. Araştırmanın bulguları ışığında ulaşılan sonuca göre düşünce kuruluşları politika uygulayıcılarının politika oluşturmalarında yardımcı kuvvet rolü oynayabilirler. Sivil inisiyatifler olmaları hasebiyle de düşünce kuruluşlarının kamu otoritelerine oranla hareket serbestiyetleri yüksektir. Ayrıca bu çalışmada düşünce kuruluşlarının yardımcı kuvvet rolü oynamalarından hareketle bu organizasyonlar için "Akıncı Birlik" kavramsallaştırması önerilmektedir. Üç farklı ülkede bulunan GMF, SETA ve SWP'nin kamu diplomasisi faaliyetlerinde birer aktör oldukları tez çalışmasının bulgusudur. Ayrıca söz konusu düşünce kuruluşlarının faaliyetlerinin katkısı menşei ülkelerinin siyasi, iktisadi ve sosyal durumlarına göre değişmektedir. Buradan hareketle söz konusu ülkelerin sert güç yerine yumuşak güç bağlamında kamu diplomasisinde düşünce kuruluşlarını bir paydaş olarak görmesi kendilerine uluslararası ilişkilerde avantaj sağlayacaktır. ; The study emphasizes the role of think tanks in public diplomacy. In this context, the Turkey, United States of America, and Germany case studies have been examined. A think tank organization sample was picked from each country to test the relevance of the research hypothesis. The well renowned and prestigious think tank organizations of Foundation for Political, Economic and Social Research (SETA), German Marshall Fund of the United States (GMF) and, The German Institute for International and Security Affairs (Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik-SWP) has been studied. The relationship of public diplomacy of institutions gained as an example has been investigated based on the following roles of think tanks organizations in international relations developed by Patrick Köllner. According to Köllner, think tank organizations: - Should have salon function and create person-oriented communication channels. - Also need to inform the public about international relations studies. - Act as a research broker. - Set national and international agendas on international issues. - Develop informal diplomatic relations. - Presenting second opinions. - Directly influencing strategic discourses by acting as consultants. - Legitimizing semi-authoritarian regimes and intellectual cheerleading. - Exporting ideas. - Contributing to the formation of an understanding of international relations and strategic research. - Offering diplomatic training and mentoring students by providing international relations training programs. In this direction, the study develops two essential questions: 1. Are think tanks actors of public diplomacy with the activities they conduct? 2. What are the roles of think tanks in building public diplomacy? The first question is leading to the study's main hypothesis, which is: to be a civil initiative, think tanks are actors in public diplomacy. While the second question introduces another aspect of the research's hypothesis: The roles that Köllner attributes to think tanks in international relations are played by sample think tanks within public diplomacy activities. A combination of "literature review", "content analysis" and "qualitative research" is followed in the thesis study. The literature review comprises the investigation of notions such as diplomacy, public diplomacy, and think tanks as a part of the research. The content analysis makes up for the three institutions' websites browsing, media reflections, reports, magazines, conferences, panels, and symposiums' examination. The qualitative research part was conducted with in-depth interviews with 13 people representing official spokespersons of think tanks, public diplomacy institutions, former think-tankers, and academics. According to the conclusion reached considering the findings of the research, think tanks can play an auxiliary power role in policymaking by same-field practitioners. Since they are civil initiatives, think tanks have higher freedom of action compared to state authorities. Besides, the conceptualization of "Akıncı Unity" is recommended in this study for think tanks based on their role as an auxiliary force. The case of GMF, SETA and SWP organizations as actors in public diplomacy activities in the three different countries constitutes the findings of a thesis study. The contribution of these think tanks' activities varieties according to the political, economic, and social situation in their countries. From here, it will give them an advantage in international relations if countries consider the think tanks institutions a stakeholder in public diplomacy linked to the soft power context rather than hard power.

Pertev Tevfik Bey?in sahibi olduğu, Şehabettin Süleyman Bey?in başyazarlığını yaptığı Muahede gazetesi, 18 Ekim 1910 tarihinde İstanbul?da, "Demokrasi Mesleğinin Hâdim ve Müdâfii" künyesiyle yayın hayatına başlar. Günlük, siyasî, iktisadî ve edebî bir gazetededir. Yayım hayatı, II. Meşrutiyetin çalkantılı ortamında kısa sürer ve sadece 24 sayı çıkar. Demokrasinin ve özgürlüklerin memlekette yerleşmesi ve kanunların buna göre işlemesi için çalışan gazete, İttihat ve Terakki iktidarının politikalarını bu açıdan eleştirir. Ayrıca hükümetin meslek dışı atamaları da uygun bulunmaz. Sıkıyönetimin olduğu, hükümet aleyhine yazılar yazan gazetelerin kapatıldığı bir dönemde, hükümetin siyasî ve idarî hatalarını yazmaktan çekinmez. Hükümetin, meşrutiyetin ruhuna uygun demokrat bir şekilde hareket etmesini ister. Bu tarz bir yönetimin sergilenmesi ile meşrutiyetin tam manasıyla memlekette yerleşebileceğini ifade eder. Demokrasinin gelişmesinde basına önemli görevler düştüğünü belirten gazete, basını demokrasinin temel unsuru olarak görür. Basına getirilen sansürü eleştirerek, sansürün demokrasinin gelişmesinin önünü tıkadığını vurgular. Demokrasiye sıklıkla atıf yapan gazete, meşrutiyet, adalet, hürriyet, Kanun-ı Esasi ve demokrasi kavramlarının halk tarafından daha iyi anlaşılması için gazete sütunlarında bu kavramlara yer verir. Gazete, devletin, sosyal, iktisadî, idarî ve siyasî açıdan gelişmesini amaçlayan yayın politikası takip eder. Basının görevinin kamuoyunu her türlü gelişmelerden haberdar etmenin yanı sıra, ülkenin sorunlarını gündeme getirerek, hükümetin dikkatini bu sorunlara çekmek olduğunu belirten gazete, Anadolu insanının karşılaştığı sorunları ve güçlükleri ele alarak, bunların ortadan kaldırılması için hükümete telkinlerde bulunur. Matbuat Kanunu?na rağmen idarî zaafları, yolsuzlukları, usulsüzlükleri ve hataları cesurca ve korkusuzca ele alır. Ayrıca Osmanlıcılık siyasetini savunan gazete bu siyaset gereği, Türk ve Müslümanlarla birlikte Osmanlı Hristiyanlarının da sosyal, kültürel, idarî ve eğitim sorunlarını gazete sütunlarına taşır. Bununla gazete birlik ve bütünlükten yana bir yayın takip ettiğini ortaya koyar. Gazetede siyasî konular diğerlerine göre daha çok yer alır. Osmanlı Devleti?ndeki ve Avrupa?daki her türlü gelişmeden bahsedilir. Özellikle Avrupa?nın Osmanlı Devleti?ne karşı yürüttüğü politikalar gazete sütunlarına taşınarak kamuoyu bilgilendirilir. Gazetenin ilgi alanı Osmanlı Devleti?yle sınırlı değildir. Osmanlı Devleti?nin dâhilî ve haricî siyasetinin yanı sıra Avrupa?nın ve İran?ın siyasî ve sosyal vaziyeti ile dünyadaki her türlü siyasî, sosyal ve ekonomik gelişme gazete sayfasında yer alır. Özellikle Rusya?nın Balkanlarda ve Osmanlı Devleti?nin komşuları üzerinde sinsi politikalar takip ederek, bu bölgelerde meydana getirdiği karışıklıklar ele alınır. Çalışmada, II. Meşrutiyet Döneminin önemli siyasî kişiliği olan Pertev Tevfik ile sahibi olduğu Muahede gazetesi incelenmiş ve II. Meşrutiyet Dönemi fikir hayatına katkıları ele alınmıştır. ; The Muahede, which was owned by Pertev Tevfik Bey and edited by Şehabettin Süleyman Bey, began its publication life as newspaper in İstanbul on October 18, 1910 with the tag line "Demokrasi Mesleğinin Hâdim ve Müdâfii" (The Servant and Defender of Democracy). It was a daily newspaper with political, economic and literary content. Its publication life did not last long in the convulsive atmosphere of the Second Constitutional Era and only 24 issues were printed. The newspaper, which adopted the mission of promoting the ideas of democracy and liberties among the public, criticized the policies of İttihat ve Terakki (The Union and Progress Party) government especially with respect to these aspects. The publication did not hesitate to write about the political and administrative mistakes of the government even in a period when martial law was in effect and those newspapers writing against the government were closed down. It asked the government to adopt democratic means in accordance with the spirit of constitutionalism. The newspaper expressed the view that the regime of constitutionalism can be completely established in the country only with the implementation of a democratic government. While emphasizing the importance of the role the press must play in the development of democracy, the publication foregrounded the press as the essential element of a democracy. By criticizing the censorship practices, it asserted the idea that censorship was a barrier for the development of democracy. By frequently referring to the ideas of democracy, the articles in the publication often included terms like constitutionalism, justice, freedom, Kanun-ı Esasi (Main Constitution) and democracy, so that these terms could be better understood by the general public. The newspaper pursued a policy which aimed to promote the development of the state socially, economically, administratively and politically. The newspaper, which stated that the mission of the press was to place the problems of the society on the agenda, thereby directing the attention of the government to these problems, as well as informing the public about all kinds of developments, wrote about the problems and difficulties encountered by the people of Anatolia and tried to influence the government towards the solution of these problems. Despite the Press Law (Matbuat Kanunu), it bravely wrote about administrative weaknesses, corruption, abuse and mistakes. Moreover, as a supporter of the policy of Ottomanism, the paper also wrote about the social, cultural, administrative and educational problems of the Christian minorities, as well as those of the Turks and Muslims. However, the newspaper also emphasized its policy of supporting the unity and integrity of the state. Political issues dominated the contents of the newspaper. All kinds of developments in the Ottoman State and Europe were mentioned. Especially the European policies against the Ottoman State were included to inform the general public about these. The scope of interest of the publication was not limited to matters about the Ottoman State. In addition to articles about the domestic and foreign policy of the Ottoman State, developments in the political and social spheres of Europe and Iran, and news about the political, social and economic situation from around the world were included in the newspaper. Particularly, the sly policies pursued by Russia in the Balkans and against the neighbors of the Ottoman State, and the consequent disorder in these regions were discussed. In this paper, Pertev Tevfik Bey, who was an important political figure during the Second Constitutional Era, and the Muahede, which was owned by him, are studied in terms of their contributions to the intellectual scene of the Second Constitutional Era.

TANİN'DEKİ YAZILARI ÇERÇEVESİNDE BABANZÂDE İSMAİL HAKKI'NIN MEŞRUTİYET DÜŞÜNCESİÖZETBabanzâde İsmail Hakkı Bey; etkili bir aydın, politikacı, gazeteci ve yazar olarak II. Meşrutiyet döneminin önemli isimlerinden biri olmuştur. Kökü 16. yüzyıla uzanan, Süleymaniye şehrinin kurucusu ünlü Kürt aşireti Baban ailesine mensuptur. İslamcılık düşüncesinin güçlü temsilcilerinden Babanzâde Ahmed Naim'in kardeşidir. Hukuk Mektebi'ni bitirdikten sonra Mülkiye ve Mühendis Mektepleri'nde hocalık; İkdam, Tanin, Şura-yı Ümmet gibi gazetelerde köşe yazarlığı yapmıştır. Hukukla ilgili eserlerinin yanı sıra Bismarc biyografisi ve Dreyfus Meselesini anlattığı kitapları da bulunmaktadır.Meclis-i Mebusan'da Bağdat (1908) ve Divaniye (1912) mebusu olarak yer almış, İbrahim Hakkı Paşa Kabinesi'nde Maarif Vekilliği (1911) siyasi kariyerinin en üst noktası olmuştur. 26 Aralık 1913'te, henüz 37 yaşında iken ders verdiği sırada vefat etmiştir.Meşrutiyet düşüncesini resmetmeye çalıştığım bu tezde onu tanımlayabilecek temel kavramlar; itidal, tedrici tekâmül, meşruiyet,parlamenter sisteme bağlılık, teamül , uzlaşma kültürüdür.Babanzâde, Meşrutiyet'i demokrasi ile eşanlamlı bir yönetim olarak gördüğü için yazılarını, demokrasiyi oluşturan temel unsurları (çoğunluk, çoğulculuk, yasama, yürütme, yargı, güçler ayrılığı, basın özgürlüğü, hukukun üstünlüğü vb.) esas alarak sınıflandırdım.Nitekim 1909 Ağustos'unda yayınlanan Şeyhülislamlık Beyannamesi'ni değerlendirdiği yazılarında; hâkimiyet-i milliye, iktidarın denetlenmesi, güçler ayrılığı, müsavat kavramlarını vurguladığı görülmektedir.Yaşanan olaylara sosyolojik izahlar getirmesi, akademik kimliğinin yazılarına akseden önemli bir parçasıdır. Etki-tepki kanunu, değişimin kaçınılmazlığı, parça-bütün ilişkisi, evrimci yaklaşım, bazı sorunların ancak toplumsal olgunlaşma ile çözülebileceği, yeniliklerin somut ihtiyaçlardan başlaması gerektiği bunlardan birkaçıdır. İttihad ve Terakki Partisi'nin güçlü olduğu dönemde, siyasi rakiplerinin kürsü dokunulmazlığı ve emeklilik haklarını savunması demokrasiye olan bağlılığındaki samimiyeti gösterir.Sultan Reşad'ın cülus yıldönümlerinde kaleme aldığı yazılar, Meclis'te hanedanın damatlarının -onurlarının korunabilmesi için- ödeneklerinin artırılması teklifini desteklemesi onun saltanata karşı olduğu iddiasını çürütmektedir. Ancak sistem içerisinde padişaha biçtiği rol de oldukça sınırlıdır: Milletin birliğini ve ülkenin bütünlüğünü temsil eden, siyasi yetkileri azaltılmış sembolik bir makam.Ona göre; halk Meşrutiyet yönetimiyle beraber iktidara ortak olmuştur. Ancak sınırsız bir özgürlük elde etmemiştir. Hakkını kurallar içerisinde aramalıdır. Rüşvet, tembellik, düzensizlik gibi toplumsal hastalıkların tedavisi için siyasi ve medeni terbiyenin yükselmesi gereklidir.Çoğulculuk kavramına çok erken sayılabilecek bir dönemde vurgu yapması onun demokrasi çıtasının yüksekliğini göstermektedir. Ona göre azınlıkta kalan siyasi hareketler ancak sağlam ve tutarlı fikirlerle hayatta kalabilirler.Karmaşık seçim sisteminde en iyi sonucu alabilmek için İttihad ve Terakki'nin hem seçmenlerine hem adaylarına hem de parti yöneticilerine tavsiyelerde bulunur. Bu tavsiyeler günümüzde dahi yerleşmemiş olan parti içi demokrasi anlayışı açısından oldukça önemlidir.Dini inançların seçim malzemesi yapılmasına karşı çıkar. Siyasi cinayetlere şiddetle karşıdır. Partisinin seçim başarısını açıklarken güçlü bir analizci olduğu görülmektedir.Basının halkın sesi olduğuna dair iyimserliği siyasi rekabetin labirentlerinde kaybolur. Bu alandaki düzensizliğin önlenmesi için bir Matbuat Cemiyeti kurulmasını ve bir Matbuat Nizamnamesi hazırlanmasını önemsemiştir. Yabancı basının iç politikada taraf olmasına karşı çıkar.Osmanlı Devleti'nin azınlıkları Türkleştirmeye çalıştığı ithamını bir iftira olarak görür. Ancak herkesi ortak vatan ve ortak vatandaşlık çatısı altında bir araya getirecek Osmanlıcılık politikasının da gerekli olduğunu savunur. Eşitlik talep eden azınlıkların eski ayrıcalıklarının devam etmesini istemelerini ise bir çelişki olarak görür. Kültürel amaçla kurulan Kürt Teavün ve Terakki Cemiyeti'ne (1908) üye olması ve bu Cemiyet'in gazetesinde yazı yazması, azınlıkları Türkleştirmenin yanlış olacağını savunması kendisinin Türkleşmiş Kürt olduğu iddiasını çürütür; Osmanlıcılık idealine samimiyetle bağlı Kürt kökenli bir aydın olduğunu gösterir.Arnavutluk'un Osmanlı Devleti'nden ayrılış süreci tam bir travma etkisi doğurur. Çünkü bu ayrılış "ümmet" anlayışına vurulan ilk darbedir. Arap siyasi hareketlerine, bu süreçte yaşananları bir ibret olarak hatırlatır.Devleti oluşturan unsurlardan başta yasamayı (Meclis) öne çıkarırken daha sonra yürütmeyi ilk sıraya geçirmiştir. Bir hükümet kurulurken padişah-sadrazam-Meclis arasında güvenoyu alınmasını sağlayacak bir işbirliğini gerekli görür. Bugünkü tabirle teknokrat bir koalisyon hükümeti kurulmasına, yürütmeyi zayıflatacağı için karşı çıkar.Örfi İdarenin hatalarının üstünü örtme çabası ve muhalefetin sesini daha gür duyurabileceği açık alan mitinglerine karşı çıkması onun demokrasi anlayışında tespit edebildiğimiz nadir kırılmalardır. Halaskarân Zabitan tehdidi karşısındaki dik duruşu ise takdire şayandır.Ona göre, yasama organının diğer parçası olan Ayan Meclisi'nin varlığı -aristokratik bir geçmişe dayanmadığı için- sadece bir sebeple anlamlıdır: Kanunların hazırlanması sürecinde ihtiyaç duyulan teenniyi sağlaması. Buna rağmen zaten Meclis'in feshinde onay hakkına sahip olan Ayan Meclisi'nin bir de hükümeti düşürebilecek istizah (gensoru), kendi üyelerini seçme gibi haklara sahip olursa sistemdeki tek güç olacağı uyarısını yapar. Meclis müzakerelerinin uzamaması için yaptığı teklifler tam bir uzman görüşüdür. Muhalefet milletvekillerinin iktidarın istediği kanunları engellemek için başvurduğu obstrüksiyon (engelleme) yöntemlerini demokrasi dışı uygulamalar olarak tanımlar.Ocak 1912'de Meclis'in ilk feshinin ardından aynı yıl Ahmet Muhtar Paşa Kabinesi döneminde yeniden feshedilmesi çabasına şiddetle karşı çıkar. Bu amaçla dile getirilen Meclis'in ömrüne dair fikirleri ustaca çürütür.Güçler dengesi bağlamında Meclis'in istizah hakkına karşılık hükümetin cevabın ertelenmesi hakkının hangi dengede olması gerektiğini izah eder. İstizah, güven oylaması ile sonuçlanan bir yöntem olarak kullanıldığı için iktidarın denetlenmesinde daha hafif bir yöntem olarak sual yöntemini teklif eder. Meclis'in adem-i itimad oyuna karşılık Hükümet'in Meclis'i feshetme hakkını düzenleyen 35. maddenin değiştirilmesi meselesi, güçler dengesi başlığının en önemli konusudur. Anayasa'da yapılan 1909 tadilatıyla bu denge İttihad ve Terakki tarafından Meclis lehine bozulmuştur. 1912'de dengenin yeniden kurulması için yapılan teklifin de İttihadçılardan gelmesi muhalifler tarafından şiddetle eleştirilmiştir.Babanzâde, yargı alanında reform ihtiyacını kabul etmektedir. Ancak bunun da tedrici bir şekilde olması gerektiğini savunur. Mahkemelerin tekliği esas olmasına rağmen bir süre daha memurların yargılanması için idari mahkemelerin varlığını sürdürmesi gereklidir. Gezici sulh mahkemelerinin kurulması adi suçların çözümünü hızlandıracaktır. Hâkimlerin ilmi yeterliliklerini artırmak için hukuk mekteplerinin sayısı artırılmalı, gayret eksikliğini gidermek için görevde yükselme şartlarını belirleyen objektif kriterler getirilmelidir.Ordu ve adliye mensubu memurların politikadan uzak durması şarttır. Ancak bu sayede saygınlıklarını koruyabilirler. Küçük düzeydeki memurların halkı bilgilendirmek amacıyla politikayla ilgilenmesi yanlış olmaz, aksi takdirde siyasi güç kısa zamanda yerel zorbaların eline geçer. Memurların sendikal haklara sahip olmaması fikri ise bugün geçerliliğini yitirmiştir.BABANZÂDE İSMAİL HAKKI'S CONSTİTUTİONALİZM İDEA İN THE VİEW OF HİS WRİTİNGS İN TANİNBabanzâde İsmail Hakkı Bey: He is one of the important names of II. Constitutionalizm as an effective intellectual, politician, journalist and an auther.He is a member of Baban Family which is a famous Kurdish tribe in 16. Cc. The founder of Suleymaniye city. He is the brother of Babanzâde Ahmet Naim who is the most powerful represantative of Pan-İslam. After graduation from law school,he worked at Mülkiye and Engineering Schools and wrote articles to İkdam, Tanin, Şura-yı Ümmet newspapers. In addition to his Works about law, he wrote Bismarc biography and the book which he told about Dreyfus matter.He worked as a representative of Bağdat and Divaniye in Grand National Assembly (Mebusan Meclisi). He worked as an Education Minister with İbrahim Hakkı's Goverment. This position was his top career. While he was teaching ,26 th December 1913 at 37 years old he died.When I want to describe his constitutionalism with this thesis, I can say these terms: moderate, improving step by step, legitimacy, devotion on the system of parliament, customs, culture of reconcile.As Babanzâde has seen constitutinalism and democracy the same, I classified his writings as the basic items: majority, pluralism, legislation, propulsion, judgement the diversity of powers, the freedom of press and dominiant of law.In his writings which criticized Şeyhülislam Declaration in 1909 August, it is seen that he focused on soverignity, inspecting the power goverment, the diversity of power and equality.His sociological way of describing the events is important part of his career. Effect and cause, inevitable change, the relation of part and whole, evolutionist approach, the thing that some problems can only be solved by the maturity of the society and the necessity that the innovation must started by the concrete need are some of them.When İttihad and Terakki Party was powerful, his defensing the rivals seat untouchable position of its and the rights of being retired shows his dependancy on democracy.In Sultan Reşat's ascending the throne anniversary writings his supporting increasing the subsidy of sons in law on the behalf of protecting their honour in the assembly refutes the idea of opposition against the throne. But the role of the Sultan is very limited in his system it is a symbolic stage which represents the unity of the nation and the unity of whole country.According to him the people participated in the political power with constitutinaolism. However,they couldn't get endless freedom. They have to look for their right according to the rules and law. The social disorders like bribery, laziness, untidiness can be solved by increasing the level of political and civilized understanding of society.His focusing the concept of pluralism at early period shows his improving the idea of democracy for him weak political movements can only stay alive by strong and coherent ideas.He has some suggestions both to the candidates and voters of İttihad and Terakki in order to be succesful on the complicated voting system. These suggestions are very important for the today's changeable party and democracy understanding.He is opposed to misusing of religious beliefs. He is strongly object to political murders. While he is describing his party's voting success, he is seen to be a strong analisist.The optimism of the press about being the voice of the nation disappears in the labyrinth of political competition. He gave importance to the foundation of press and to the event of preparing a press declaration in order to prevent the disorders in this field. He opposes to foreign press's side in inside policy.The minorities of Ottoman Empire sees the accusation of making them Turkish as a slander. On the other hand,he thinks that the Ottoman policy which will make all the natives and non-natives United is a most that the minorities who demands equality and also demanding their old privilages is seen as a contradiction by him. The event of being a member of the Kurdish Teavün and Terakki Association founded with the aim of culture (1908) and writing many articles in this association's newspaper and defending that it would be wrong to make Kurdish people Turkish refutes that he is a Kurdish. It shows that he is a Kurdish-rooted, intellectual person who is strongly devoted himself to Ottoman idealism.The period in which Albania seperated from Ottoman Empaire reveals a real travma. Because this parting is a real blow for the Muslim Community. He sees it as a sample for the Arabic political movements.He gives importance to legislation but then he finds carrying a law more important than legislation. He thinks a cooperation providing with winning a vote of confidence among Sultan-Grand Vizier and Assembly is necessary. He objects to today's technocrat coalition goverment, because of its dangerous effects on carrying out the law.His effors to conceal the faults of cencorship and his objections to opposition party's demonstrations are his defects of his democracy understanding. However,his standing upwright against the threat of Halaskarân is worth to appreciating.In his opinion, existing Ayan Assembly another part of legislation is only meaningful -because of not depending on the aristocratic past- while laws being pirepared the needed calmness is because provided. Neverthless he warns that if Ayan Assembly has the right to select its own members and to give interpellation in Parliment, it will be the unique power.His suggestions not to last the parliment discussions are totally expert ideas. He identifies the methods which the opposition party's members applied for preventing the power's laws are out of democracy.He is strongly against to the efforts of repealing during Ahmet Muhtar Paşa Kabinet period again after the first repealing of parliment in January 1912. He eliminates the ideas of the life-span of the Assembly.He explains the necessary balance between assembly's interpellation right and goverments delaying right to answer. As interpellation is a method used for voting for trust he proposes as a light method "questioning method" to inspect the goverment.The problem which is about the changing of the 35. Matter the right of repealing the goverment is the most important subject of the power balance. The change in 1909 constitution ,this balance was ruined against the Parliment by İttihad and Terakki. In 1912 the proposal by İttihad and Terakki to rebuild this balance was strongly criticized by the opponents.Babanzâde accepts the need for a change in judgement. But he defends that is should be step by step. Although the courts are the only way to judge, managerial courts must exist to judge the officers for a while. Founding portable peace courts will make the solution the vulgar crimes faster. The number of law schools should be more in order to develop the judge's careers and there should be some objective criteria to improve on their careers and to prevent the effort deficiency.It is a condition for army and judge staff to be away from the policy. Providing that they can protect their esteem. Low-level officers' dealing with the policy is not wrong, otherwise political-power can be subsituted with local tyrants. The officer's union rights have disappeared today.

SUMMARYA great changement was occurring after fell down the Berlin Wall in East Europe, in 1989.The countries had begun to new period with high debts and inflation by these changements.East European countries have a common feature by carry out the transition period politics by rapidly in this process. So, it was necessity on stabilization politics but not easy.At result, privatization and restructure got an importance.I – THEORICAL AND CONSEPTIONAL FRAME OF MARKET ECONOMYFree market economy has the same philosophy and idea with liberalism. Economical liberalism is defended the free competition, reducing the customs taxes, import freedom and resisted to interference of state on the economy.Classical economy's base is economical freedom and market economy. Market economy is relying on free competition and private enterprise. Price mechanism and world prices are important. Interference of state must be in minimum levels. Public sector must be reduced. Basic factors such as wage, capital and foreign currency must reflect the real market prices, must get an importance to external trade.1-DEVELOPMENT OF MARKET ECONOMY1.1. CLASSIC REVIEWFree trade, specialization only on one field, annihilate the obstacles such as customs and quotas, interferences of state on the market are most important according to Adam Smith, which lived in 18th century.A specialization between nations must be obtained according to Ricardo. So, it must be an exchange on the entire world. 1.2. NEO-CLASSIC REVIEWAlfred Marshall, Leon Walras and Carl Menger is an echol. The state must be more active to improve the poor part of community and must create the opportunities on the market, get the taxes from revenues and wealth, finance the education, health, park and city planning, defence the personal freedom, private property and open markets, manufacture the public commodities.1.3. ORDO-LIBERALISM REVIEWIt is different from classic liberalism. Economical regularity is social which emerges in an evident process, not natural. Social and juridical standards emerge the economical system.Price, monetarily stability, sciences, stability and durability on economical politics are important to emerging of market economy.Basic aim is bring to existence an economical constitution.2- BASIC ELEMENTS OF MARKET ECONOMYBasic factors are enterprising, competition, economical ideas and attitudes.Enterprising is a person which makes unity the manufacturing factors, makes direct the investments, begins to motion by utilize the signals from internal and external markets, gets the share on productivity and determines the firm profit. Basic aim is profit.Competition is social event, protects the personal, which works with high productivity against to personal, which works with low productivity, uses the sources most effectively. Buyer and seller number must be too much in this system. Competition is opposed to monopolization but necessity laws and politics have to support it. ECONOMICAL IDEAS AND ATTITUDESIt includes price, wage, interest, hire and foreign currency. Price system occurs freely according to rate of request and demand conditions. At this straight, firms and consumers must carry out their decisions freely.3- MARKET MECHANISM FLOW AND ROLE OF SOURCE DISTRIBUTIONConsumers and producers have activities on the market economy. The prices are determined according to the lowest cost and to the highest profit.Ideal special future is high productivity, low profit and high production. Competition reduces the profit to the lowest level.Main mechanism on free market is price. If the relative scarcity is enough, request and demand is more or less equal.Producers and consumers may have a decision according to the price indicator and request and demand. This case makes lead the manufacturing, increases the alternatives, also economical activities make an harmony against to conditions.The evident features of market economy are free decision, liberty on preferences, a great price mechanism and competition. So, economical stability is obtainable.Interferences may apply on the market economy for public health, regulations on economical activities, protect the consumers. These motions are generally precautions to control of drugs and drink manufacturing and consumption, annihilation of harmful on public health, growth the power on economic morals, make grow the quality, regulation on manufacturing and marketing. The state may meddle with economy to development rapidly. For example, the state may encourage the saving, increase the rates of interest, decrease the taxes to get on the saving, provide the precautions on investment.The buyers and sellers cannot determine the price on one's own on free competition market. Otherwise monopoly, trust and cartels may occur, stability may out of order between commodity and services.Market economy may deviate from the rules on two main categories.Manufacturer, buyer and seller may make deviate from the rules. Especially trade unionization is effective on this deviation.The state may interfere in economy by taxes, if social and individual advantages different, it may deviate from competition market.The state is exist in every kind of economy and serves to people with harmony and politics and social philosophies of our age. Also it provides security, education and health services but it doesn't determine the prices. It is one of the biggest manufacturers at the same time.II – HISTORICAL WIEW TO BULGARIAN ECONOMY IN THE TRANSITION PERIOD OF FREE MARKET ECONOMY1. BASIC SOCIAL AND ECONOMICAL INDICATORS1.1. GENERALThe form of government is republic, capital is Sofia, Population is 8.297.000(1997), increasing of population is %0. 7, distinctive characteristics in common with Turkishs, Pomaks, Russians, Gipsies, Tatars, Jewishes are in 16 percent.Estimated agricultural area is 1/3 and woodland is 1/3 of all the land. Charcoal, petroleum, natural gas, ferrum and sources except metal are too much. Bulgaria can't use the money too much on surroundings cause of economical lacks.Too many people are migrated to Turkey reason of economical lacks after communism regime. Population is decreased year by year, but unemployment.2. BULGARIA BEFORE 1989Ottoman empire had governorship on the Bulgaria more 500 years till 1908. Then, Bulgarian Kingdom is founded in 1908. Stamboliyski is in powered from Farmer Party in 1920. A new fascism supporter government is founded but communists and farmers were outside of government.Bulgaria is allied with Germany in 1941. Although a new government was found in 1944, the republican regime with referendum is founded in 1946. The new constution is validated in 1947. Cercenkov is in powered in 1950, relations with U.S.A. were out of order and membership of United Nations was validity in 1955.The new constitution is validated in 1971. T.Jivkow is in powered continually, became arrested cause of irregularity in 1990 and then, again a new constitution is validated. Communist Party is made to take out of only one party. In that year, state's name is changed to Republic of Bulgaria and removed the communist symbols from flag. Privatizational laws are validated with Jelev in 1992. The Government of Videnov is contraried the privatization in 1994.Peter Stoyanov is Nato's supporter and he was president in 1996. United Democratic Forces is in powered with 52 percent of vote after selections in 1997.2.1. COMECON AND COLLAPSING OF SYSTEMComecon is a union that emerged by East European Countries. Bulgarian economy has begun to transition period with some negative ness like other East European countries causes of political incompetence and dissociating end of 1980s.Bulgaria which had more than 60 percent of export to associate but it had couldn't find the new markets cause of inadequate ship of quality standards and had an old technology. Foreign currency reserves are high level. It has too many debts, political incompetent ship in the land. Financial system is not conformity to market economy and also could not claim 2 million dollars of money owing from Iraq because of golf war. So, Bulgaria couldn't save from crisis because of above reasons.2.2 GENERAL ECONOMICAL DEVELOPMENT AND SECTORSBulgarian manufacturing industry basically is founded on textile, wooden engrave, leather products and food prep rationing sectors.Bulgaria had realisation the attacks on the heavy industry that supported by S.S.C.B. after 2nd world war.Production of electro-mechanic and electronic goods in manufacturing sector is reached to an important share since 1970s.The biggest natural wealth of Bulgaria is productive earths. There are not important minerals in Bulgaria.In the following period of 2nd world war, metallurgy and chemical production had an importance. Industry sector had old technology. Its competition is losted the power with disunited of the Comecon.Productivity rates on industry are grown with economical reforms that started in 1979. Economical growing is dynamically continued in spite of reducing the productivity on agriculture sector, building sector and investments in Bulgaria. Especially, price volatility on agriculture sector is a reason of suspicion about real value of growth in 1988 according to 1987.Productions on agriculture and industry of Bulgaria are reduced according to statistics. Main problem on agriculture sector is delivery prices of goods.A stagnation indicator on Bulgarian economy is weakness of building and construction sector. Manufacturing products such as cement and weawing is in necessity. Manufacturing level is inadequate on that area and also unqualificationed organisations have been affected.2.3 - FOREIGN TRADEThere are no definite results on foreign trade reason of inadequate of numerical data's.However, export is increased up to the rate of 4 percent in 1988 and import is reduced to the rate of 1.8 percent. Bulgaria finance deficit is 600 million dollars result of trade with west countries in 1998. Tourism revenues are positive. Trade connections with Turkey are weak according to another East European countries.2.4 – PERESTROICA POLITICSThe new age on economy with state council's decision is started in January 9,1989. Activities to get the indepences of firms are velocitied. At the same time, this decision is more benefit to foreign investors too.3. 1989 – 1997 TRANSITION PERIOD3.1 – ECONOMICAL REFORM ACTIVITIESAlteration is started in east block countries after 1989 and together with this alteration. Comecon is losted the activity. So, idle capacities are commenced and Bulgaria is losted the production markets.The reforms are making started by new government in February 1991. External trade regime is liberalisation in one direction; this is one of the import nest factors of the reforms. With a decision is accepted in 1989, basic of economical reforms are occurred. Firms had equal rights to execution of economical activities. The laws related to foreign investment are validated in 1992.Commercial banks have gone to consolidation. Prices had freed except 11 basic consumption. Economical activities, government status on economy, foreign trade and foreign exchange regime, price regulations, privatization, tax systems are reorganized about foreign investors.3.2. SECTORAL CONSTITUTIONIndustrial sector had the over 50 percent of share on economy until 1990s. 11 private sector's share with service and trade sector approached to 60 percent between 1992 and 1997.SECTORSProductivity with old technologies on industrial sector is at low level. Engineering sector is developed. Products of textile sector are manufactured at high quality.CHEMICALSChemical products that have an important mark on export of Bulgaria. They were 1,096 milliard dollars with 22,3 percent in 1997 and 983 million dollars with 19.4 percent of total export in 1998.AGRICULTURE, FOOD AND TOBACCORate of plan tablelands are 34 percent in Bulgaria. Totally 304 firms are active on food, drink and tobacco sector.METALLURGY AND MINERSHIPIron product is 6.2 percent and other than iron is 6.8 percent on all of industry in 1998. In 1997, metallurgy sector is grown up to 117.2 percent with 529 million dollars in total amount of export in Bulgaria.MACHINEShare of machine sector is 13.8 percent in all of industry. Principal are; Machine parts, tractor, bus, ship, building and auto spare parts.CONSTRUCTIONPrivate firms in the sector have share with 13 percent in 1991. That share is grown to 62 percent in 1995 but then; it is reduced reason of financial inadequate ships.TOURISMTourism revenues are approximately 280 million dollars in 1995.4.5 million of transits and totally 8 million tourists are visited the Bulgaria in 1996.3.3. TRADE AFTER ECONOMICAL REFORMSExport of Bulgaria is totally 4.9 milliard dollars in 1997. The import nest export products are fuel oil, other fuels, cooper and its products and nuclear reactors. Import is 4.5 milliard dollars in 1997 and included the product such as mineral fuels, nuclear reactor heaters and spare parts, electric machines, mineral substances, cotton, synthetic fibres, cereals, auto and tractors.3.4. EXTERNAL DEBTSRate of the external debts to export revenues were 249.9 Percent in 1993 but then, back to 188.2 percent in 1994.Official external debts were 10.363 dollars in the end of 1997.3.5. FOREIGN INVESTORS EXTERNAL CAPITALMost investments with 636.2 million dollars by foreigners are made in 1997. This amount is 526 million dollars in 1998. Principal foreign investors are European countries and U.S.A. A new foreigner investment law is prepared in Oct 1997. Main sectors to investment are industry, trade, finance and tourism.3.6. COMMERCIAL BANKINGState banks are privatization by associate. Regulations relate to control of banking are valitidied by government. In the middle of 1997, a new law on banking are validated after economical crisis in 1996, Central Bank Law are rebuilt. High levels of capital and capital qualifications are obligationed.3.7. PRIVATIZATIONPrivatization is started with foundation transformation and privatization belongs to state and municipalities in April 1992. Privatization Agency is built-up. Privatization is realization with totally 836 million dollars between Jan 1,1993 and Dec 30,1998. Its part of 421.4 million dollars is in 1997 and part of 116 million dollars is realization in 1998.Foundations like ports, telecommunication and, etc.are out of privatization by laws. 95 percent of state firms transformed to form of private limited or nationalization. Share of these firms are belong to state.III. BULGARIA IN EUROPAN UNION AND CONNECTIONS WITH TURKEY1. BULGARIAN ECONOMY AND CONNECTIONS WITH TURKEYTest and certification operations, metal products except iron, chemical products, cereals, operational petroleum. Products are important substances from Bulgaria to Turkey.Although weaving products, food, chemical products, leather and stout leather products, glass, ceramics, brick products are ones of important from Turkey to Bulgaria.1.1. CONTENTS OF FREE TRADE AGREEMENT BETWEEN TURKEY AND BULGARIAAll taxes and restrictictions on industrial products by signed on European Agreement between European Union and Bulgaria in Mar 8,1993 and validated in Dec 31,1993 will be removed till 2002.Turkey and Bulgaria made easy to particularization into agricultural products market by reduced the taxes for between their selves.End of signed acts, 131 products of 446 that stated to Turkey and 1141 goods of existing on European Union Agreement are liberalization by remove from list of sensitive products.Foreign companies had a partnership rights with corporations and individuals and also foreign individuals had a right on economical activities by law of keeping foreign investors, which is validated in 1992. Same economical rights are recognized between foreigners and Bulgarians and also getting unlimited share from exist companies and companies that will be found.2. CONNECTIONS WITH EUROPEAN UNION AND FINANCIAL PORTREIT OF BULGARIA2.1. CONNECTION WITH EUROPEAN UNION OF BULGARIAIn the autumn 1989, Berlin wall is demolished and this motion make united the European that had divided to east and west after 2nd world war. Comecon's mean is continuing the economical dependent ship to Soviet Union. But, most east and west European countries reject it. After these European Union augmented economical and political supports to that countries reason of carry out and conclude the reform, which is started in middle and east European countries.Firstly, a group includes the Turkey is formed by 24 of OECD countries. G24s are transferred to entrust with coordination of support to the European Union Commission.That commission is functionizationed the Phare program that helps on financial and technical areas to Poland and Hungary. Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia and Romania in Sept.1990, Albanian, Estonia, Leetonia and Livonia in Jan.1992 and Slovenia in Aug.1992 are included by Phare program.Military regulations on security of West European losted the importance but they are already securely areas.Main political aims that related to Middle and East European countries of European Unions are explained below;a- Encouragement of liberal democratic system with respectful of law's superiority.b- to be sense on surroundingsc- to prevent the ethnical collidesd- to prevent the migration to foreign countries at the west.e- Phare program and encouragement of free market economy from planned economy.2.2. WHAT IS THE PHARE PROGRAM?Phare program's aim is build the encourage mental conditions to the market economy and to take pains about investments on economies of Middle and East Europe countries. This program includes unfinancable fields by traditional external supports. That supports on the program is formed by credits and encouragements and used for pilot projects related to reorganization of associations.Bulgaria is taken a support of 10.6 millions ECU by include of Phare program.European Union don't use only Phare program as a tool on politics related to Middle and East Europe countries, except itIncludes the programs within own constitution such as ERASMUS and COMETT.2.3. FIRST PERIOD (before 1989)In this period; trading is developed between Middle and East European countries that named as COMECON COUNTRIES but couldn't show the same developments against to West Europe in European Union.Soviet Union takes the priority on exporting with countries. Bulgaria is the develop pest country on trade with Soviet Union.2.4 TRANSITION PERIOD (1989-1992)The great changements occurred on trade in Soviet Union and Middle and East Europe countries from starting the reforms in 1989 to 1992.From 1989,trade and partnership agreements signed with Hungary and Poland then, with Czechoslovakia in 1990,also Bulgaria and Romania in 1991. At the same time, rejection is started on amount of restrictions. Exporting is increased between Middle and East European countries, Soviet Union and European Union other than below too;Devaluation in the countries other than Hungary,- Workings to join into the West European markets reason of re-emerging the losted ones in East European- Import is on peak-level from those countries to Germany after unitized the East and West Europe.2.5. EUROPEAN AGREEMENTSEuropean agreements are acted end of 1991.Bulgaria-Europe agreement's date of signature: Mar8, 1993Date of being inforce: Dec 31,1995Temporarily agreement: Dec 31,1992European agreement has been in force in Bulgaria, end of 1995. European agreements are partnership agreements that signed by based on 238th paragraph of Roma agreement and Maastricht agreement. According to that state, increasing of export is an prestipulation to growth the economy with stability.3. SUCCEED OF STABILITY PROGRAM IN BULGARIABulgaria signed on an agreement with IMF to pass over the economical hardships and started the reforms in 1991.Economy is grown at the rates of 2.1 percent in 1995.In 1997,economy has the new crisis related to Yugoslavia crisis and so, Bulgaria signed on a new agreement with IMF.Leva is fixed with 20 DM and 1000 Bulgarian Leva to 1 DM and constructral reforms is started to gain the speed.Economy in Bulgaria grown to positive from 1994 but to the 10.9 percent in 1996.- Inflation rates (%) in Republic of Bulgaria; 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 199882,2 72,8 96,2 62 123,1 1082,3 22,3After the stand-by agreement with IMF, inflation approached to 22.3 percent in 1998.Annual average of inflation is expected as 7.3 percent in 1999 and 9.0 percent in 2000.Bulgaria is the poorest country according to other east European countries candidate to membership of EU. Bulgarian Leva is determined by rejected the 3 zeros from Detsch Mark. So, new Leva is make related on euro at the rates of 1.95583:euro 1 (Lvl:DMI ).CONCLUSION:Bulgaria is declared the moratorium reason of hardness's to find an external debt, to refund the capital and interests of external debt.While external debt is 10.6-milliard dollars end of 1990,it has been 12.2 milliard dollars, end of 1993. So, started to paces towards to market economy in Feb 1991. Annual inflation is reduced from 338.5 percent in 1991 to 79.4 percent in 1992.The debts of managements of state are ruined the budget and also a reason to broken balance on economy too.The crisis on foreign currency is occurred in Mar 1994. Reforms have been out of control at the result of that crisis.Leva is devaluated as 100 percent and inflation is reduced to 90 percent on annual average. At this parallel, financial and revenue politics, money and its value are controlled. The debts to foreign countries are decreased to 9.8 milliard dollars with precautions in 1994 and end of 1996.Financial balance are obtained again in the first months of 1995, reduced the inflation and also rate of interests to 72 percent.Rate of exchange (Leva/$) was 503 percent between Jan 1 and Feb 12,1997. Especially, that increasing was 20-percent/each day in Feb 1997.Rate of interest was 300 percent in Sep.1996. 14 Banks are bankrupted in that period. Bulgaria had been 1st of the world from inflation increasing speed of view.Inflation, devaluation, unemployment and also wages are on the lowest level in transition period in Bulgaria. Incoming per person is decreased 50 percent between 1989 and 1995.Annual criminal events are increased 3 times more after 1990. Money committee had formed by advice of IMF in Jul 1997. 1Deutsche Mark is indexed on 1 Leva.Qualified personnel with educationed on technical areas is a great potential force of Bulgarian economy.Bulgaria will be completed the transition period when it became to membership of European Union.

ÖZETBu çalışma, 1980 sonrası Mısır'ında sivil toplum kavramının yeşerdiği ortamın temel dinamiklerinin neler olduğunu, bireysel özgürlüklere dayanan sivil toplum anlayışının demokratikleşmeyi nasıl etkilediğini araştırma amacıyla seçilmiştir. Bu inceleme, sivil toplum kavramının tarihsel ve terminolojik gelişiminden yola çıkarak, Ortadoğu toplumlarının sivil toplumu ve kurumlarını oluşturmadaki kriterlerini tartışmayı amaçlar. Genelde Ortadoğu, özelde ise Mısır toplumu ve kültürü tartışmanın eksenine oturtularak, bu kültürün meydana gelen gelişmeler karşısındaki temel özellikleri gözler önüne serilmeye çalışılmıştır. Sivil toplum anlayışı salt bireyin öyküsünden filizlenen bir kavramdır. Mısır olgusu mercek altına alındığı zaman ise, burada sivil toplum anlayışının fertlerin tek tek kendilerini mensup hissettikleri yapılardan kaynaklandığı görülür. Mensubiyetlerden de birey değil, grup, aşiret, cemaat, kitle ve taraftar olguları vurgulanır. Bu itibarla kendini bir yere ve/veya yerlere ait kabul etme üzerine kurulu sivil toplum kavramının ortaya çıkmasındaki güçlükler son derece açıktır. Bu ülkede sivil toplum daha çok gruplar, kitleler ve cemaatler tarafından savunulmuştur. Bu sebeple de ortaya çıkma aşamasında bazı güçlüklerle karşılaşılmıştır. Özellikle de Mısır'daki İslami cemaatler ve gruplar bunun öncülüğünü yapmıştır.Seksenli yıllarda Doğu Avrupa'da gerçekleşen değişimler, Ortadoğu'nun otoriter devletlerinde demokratik bir değişime yönelik umutları canlandırdı. Ancak liberalleşme bölgenin birkaç devletinde, o da basın sansürünün gevşetilmesi, yarım yamalak serbest seçimler yapılmasının ötesine geçemedi. Bununla birlikte sivil toplum örgütleri iyiden iyiye kıpırdanmaya başladı.Bu araştırmada, Mısır devletinin sosyo - kültürel yapısı ve geçirdiği siyasi süreçler incelendi. Sivil toplum örgütlenmesinin tezahür biçimleri analiz edilerek sivil toplumun demokratikleşme sürecindeki rolünün ne olduğu ortaya çıkarılmaya çalışıldı. Aynı zamanda bir sivil toplumun ortaya çıkışını hangi faktörlerin engellediği araştırıldı. "İslamcılık" ve "Kökten Dincilik" in sivil toplumun gelişimine etkisi anlatılmaya çalışıldı ve bu eksende İslami cemaatler yoğun olarak ele alındı.İki bölümden meydana gelen bu incelemenin birinci bölümünde, ana konuya destek niteliğindeki diğer alt konular da yer almaktadır. Burada sivil toplumun terminolojik ve tarihsel geçmişinden bahsedilmekte, sivil toplumun dünyada, Avrupa'da, Ortadoğu ve Türkiye'deki gelişimlerine kısaca değinildikten sonra araştırmanın temel konusunu teşkil eden, Mısır'da Sivil Toplum bölümüne geçilmiştir.İkinci bölümde ise Mısır toplumunun tarihsel ve sosyo - kültürel açıdan tanıtılması amacıyla, Mısır tarihine yer verilmiş ve bu bölümde kısaca bugünkü Mısır'ın tarihine değinilmiştir. Daha sonra araştırmamızın temelini teşkil eden Mısır'da sivil toplum konusuna girilmiştir. Mısır'daki sivil toplum gelişmelerini daha iyi anlayabilmek için öncelikle Arap Körfezindeki ya da Ortadoğu'daki sivil toplumu irdelemeye çalıştık. Buradaki ekonomik, politik ve sosyal organizasyonların hangi boyutlarda gerçekleştiğine değindikten sonra, Ortadoğu'da sivil toplum tartışmaları adı altında Laik Tartışma, Liberal Sivil Toplum Modeli Tartışmaları, Arap Sol Milliyetçilerinin Sivil Toplum Tartışmaları, İslamcılar ve Sivil Toplum konuları ele alınmıştır. Mısır'da Sivil Toplum, Devlet ve Ekonomi başlığıyla sivil toplum örgütlerinin devlet yönetimi ile ilişkisi, Sivil Toplum - Ordu İkilemi başlığıyla da asker sivil ilişkilerinin hangi boyutlarda olduğu, sivil gücün artırılması için neler yapılabileceği araştırılmaya çalışıldı. Üçüncü bölümün sonunda ise Mısır'da Demokrasi, Sivil Toplum ve İslam başlığı adı altında ise, Mısır'daki demokrasi anlayışı ve liberal demokratikleşme, sivil toplum ve İslam, İslami cemaatler ve bunlar içinde özellikle Müslüman Kardeşler örgütü incelenmeye, araştırılmaya çalışılmıştır.ABSTRACTTHE SOCİAL CHANGİNG AND CİVİL SOCİETY İN EGYPT AFTER 1980This study has been chosen in order to understand the basic dynamics of the environment in which the concept of civil society emerged, and to examine how the mentality of civil society, which is based on individual freedom, influenced the process of the democratization of the Egyptian people after the year of 1980. Depending on the historical and terminological evolution of the concept of civil society, this study is aimed to discuss the criterions of the Middle Eastern societies in their establishment of civil societies and their institutions. The discussion is concentrated on the societies and cultures of Middle East in general, and of Egypt in particular. This investigation is directed to evaluate how these societies and cultures reacted to new social and cultural developments that are originated in other parts of the world.The concept of civil society stems from the idea of individualism. As far as the case of Egypt is concerned, it is understood that the idea of civil society relies on the social structures that individuals feel themselves as members of these groups. The nature of membership is not based on individuals but on various tribal, religious, and political groups. Thus it is quite understandable that the emergence of the concept of civil society is fraught with many difficulties, for in its real sense the idea of civil society relies on individuals themselves rather than various oriented groups. In this country, the idea of civil society is defended by certain social and religious groups. For this reason, in its emergence and development, the concept faced with many difficulties. Especially Muslim religious groups in Egypt represented themselves as pioneer activists in favoring civil society.In the eighties, social and political changes emerged in the Eastern European countries inspired Middle Eastern society in order to make similar social and political changes in their autocratic governments in the direction of democratic developments. The strives of democratization, however, were limited to some improvements in the field of press to a certain extend, and some premature free political elections in a couple of Middle Eastern countries. Nevertheless, the civil society supporters of these communities began to play more significant roles in their countries.In this study, the socio-cultural structure and its historical developments in Egyptian state is examined. The organizations of civil society and their social consequences are analyzed, and the role of civil society in the course of democratization is investigated. At the same time, the factors that hindered the emergence of civil society are evaluated. The influence of the concepts "Islamism" and "fundamentalism" on the development of civil society is questioned and in this case Egyptian Muslim religious groups are investigated.The study consists of two main chapters. The first chapter includes subdivided complimentary arguments that support the main topic. In this part, terminological and historical background of the idea of civil society is mentioned. Then various civil society cases in the Europe, Middle East, Turkey and other countries are briefly introduced, and Egyptian civil society case, which is primary subject of this study is elaborated.In the second chapter, in order to understand the historical and socio-cultural background of the Egyptian society a general Egyptian history is summarized, and modern history of Egypt is briefly presented.Again in the second chapter, the primary topic of this study, Egyptian civil society experience is investigated. In order to present a more comprehensive analysis of civil society developments, other cases from other Arab and Middle Eastern countries are examined. Economic, political, and social organizations are explored. Next, in the Middle Eastern societies, the discussions on the concept of civil society are analyzed surrounding Secular Discussions, the discussions on Liberal Civil Society Model, civil society discussions of Arab Left Nationalists, and Islamists. Under the title of Civil Society; State and Economy in Egypt, the economic relationship between the civil society organizations and government is examined. Under the title of Civil Society Military Dilemma, the relationship between civil citizens and military is questioned and some suggestions to improve the influence of civil power are analyzed.At the end of the third chapter, under the title of Democracy, Civil Society, and Islam in Egypt, the Egyptian way of understanding democracy, liberal democratization, civil society and Islam, Muslim religious groups, and among them Muslim Brothers organization are examined.

Bu çalışma, Türkiye'nin dış ilişkilerde sosyal, kültürel ve ekonomik kalkınma modellemesini yaygınlaştırarak uluslararası konjonktürde etkililiği'ni artırma hedeflerinde temel amacın ne oranda gerçekleştiğini incelemeye yönelik planlanmıştır. Türkiye'nin daha barışçıl dünya düzeninin inşasında ve korunmasında uluslararası aktör olarak etkililiği'nin ölçümlenmesi amaçlanmıştır. 1980'ler sonrası yeni dünya düzeni arayışlarında, salt bölgesel değil küresel karar verici olma potansiyelini uluslararası ilişkiler aracılığıyla sürekli artırma hedeflerinde Türkiye'nin bu amaçla yürütmekte olduğu çalışmaların son dönemlerde daha da ön plana alınmaya başlandığı görülmektedir. Bilindiği üzere, bugün artık küreselleşme sürecinin aktörlerinden biri olabilmek demokrasi kültürüne sahip olmayı gerekli koşul saymaktadır. Küresel sürecin beraberinde getirdiği yeni demokrasi anlayışı da devletlerarası işbirliğini ve temel özgürlüklere saygıyı esas almaktadır. Hatta küreselleşme sürecinde ekonomik ve siyasal ilişkileri demokrasi ve insan haklarından bağımsız ele almak mümkün olamamaktadır. Dolayısıyla, ekonomik ve siyasal istikrarın ve gelişimin en önemli dayanağını oluşturan demokrasi, küreselleşmenin de en güvenilir altyapısını hazırlamaktadır. Türkiye de, küresel politikalarla istikrarlı bir şekilde demokratik yükselişte etkililiğini artırma gayreti içindedir. Bu ivmenin genel anlamda daha da yükselebilmesi için gereksinim duyulan bilimsel verilere daha sistemli ulaşabilmek adına bu çalışmaya girişilmiştir. Kamu diplomasisine yönelik model oluşturma gayesi taşımaktadır. Metodolojik sınırlama gereği, ülkenin yatırımlarından ve tarihsel bağlarından ötürü Orta Asya'da Kırgızistan özelinde sistematize edilmiştir. Dolayısıyla, bu alanda sistematik bir çalışma olarak büyük önem taşımaktadır. Bu bağlamda, Kırgızistan'da Türkiye algısı nasıl oluşmuştur, ne şekilde inşa edilmiştir sorgulamasına niceliksel istatistiki veriler aracılığıyla ulaşılmaya çalışılmıştır. Genel anlamda, Türkiye ile ilgili olumlu algılamalara ilişkin bulgulara erişilmiş olunmasına rağmen, düzeyin Türkiye'nin Kırgızistan'a yönelik kalkınma yardımları ve yürüttüğü kamu diplomasisi dolayımında olması gereken yükseklikte olmadığı da tespit edilmiş, sonuçtaki öneriler de bu duruma yönelik oluşturulmuştur. ; A state's international communication activity has played a very important role in strengthening its image and respect for the world public opinion. Regardless of the basic goal of a nation, the prestige of the nation, its strong recognition in other words, is sometimes the most important factor for the success of its foreign policy. For this reason, respect in politics for a rational foreign policy is indispensable. In our time when power struggle has come out of a struggle with traditional methods such as pressure and military force and has become a much wider struggle of people, prestige has become a very important weapon. There is no doubt that the main purpose of political and cultural promotion in the international arena is to support the external politics that are motivated. For this reason, it is necessary to treat general and long-term promotion politics as a whole of planned actions to improve the reputation of a country and to improve its overall appearance in the world. When we approach to the subject from the point of view of Turkey, it is important to emphasize that since the establishment of the Republic of Turkey, such activities are carried out within a "peaceful" foreign policy. From the standpoint of foreign policy, Turkey has struggled to be in the breakthroughs that can always be regarded as a political equilibrium, especially in its region. The international system is restructured by communication and information movements. In this sense, public diplomacy has become one of the indispensable elements of international strategic communication management because of the importance of agenda-affecting ability. That is why today, almost every developed and developing state has a goal of progress, the state places great importance on acting towards active public diplomacy in order to create a 'positive image' for them in the eyes of foreign public circles. Diplomacy is the knowledge and art of managing relations between states and these relations meticulously. In its broadest sense, it can be defined as the whole of the independent states, that is, the relations between the basic units of the international system and the methods used. Diplomacy is aimed at meeting the opponents, finding their own ideas and proposals, or finding a common solution. Prior to World War II, diplomacy aimed at states that were the sovereign actors of the purely international system. After World War II, emergence of international organizations and civil society organizations as new actors of international relations and emerging communication technologies seem to have changed traditional diplomacy. The possibilities and opportunities obtained by the production, collection, sorting and distribution of the information by a great deal of breadth, ease and speed have also started to be used in the field of diplomacy. This innovation in communication technologies has brought the issue of not only the states but also the peoples of the states to be subject to diplomatic activities. This changing diplomatic environment brings together the concept of 'soft power'. Joseph Nye's soft power, which was further expanded in 2004 by the Soft Power book published in 1990 with the Bound to Lead book and the literary book, is the attainment of the wishes of a nation in world politics, by observing the countries that admire its values, exemplify it, care for its prosperity and opportunities. It is important not only to force others to change using military threats or economic sanctions, but to create agendas in world politics and to attract them as well. Soft power is to make sure others want the results you want and is to attract people instead of pushing them away. Therefore, soft power is the ability to attract others, to win their hearts and minds. Public diplomacy is also one of the most important elements of fine power today, when international politics is in a pragmatic course towards the soft power from hard power. Public diplomacy has to be seen as the sum of the programs that will support the diffusion of cultural and national values. Besides public diplomacy heals the image in foreign countries. In this study is planned to investigate the main purpose of Turkey in the aim of increasing the effectiveness in international conjuncture by expanding social, cultural and economic development model in foreign relations. It is aimed to measure Turkey's effectiveness as an international actor in the construction and protection of a more peaceful world order. Turkey is aiming to continually increase its potential to become a global decision-maker, not just a regional, in the quest for new world order after the 1980s, through international relations. It is seen that the studies that are being carried out for this purpose have begun to be taken more prominently in recent periods. As it is known, today it is necessary to have a democracy culture to become one of the actors of the globalization process. The new understanding of democracy brought about by the global process is based on respect for interstate cooperation and fundamental freedoms. Even in the process of globalization, economic and political relations can not be handled independently of democracy and human rights. Therefore, democracy, which constitutes the most important basis of economic and political stability and development, is also preparing the most reliable infrastructure of globalization. Turkey is also striving to increase its effectiveness with a stable democratic rise through global policies. This work has been undertaken in order to achieve a more systematic approach to the scientific data needed to increase this rate in general terms. It aims to create a model for public diplomacy. Because of the methodological limitations, it was systematized in Central Asia for Kyrgyzstan, due to the investments and historical ties of the country. Therefore, this field is of great importance as a systematic study. In this context, it has been tried to reach the question of how the perception of Turkey has been formed and how it has been constructed in Kyrgyzstan through quantitative statistical data. In general, it has been found that despite the fact that positive perceptions related to Turkey have been reached, Turkey has not been at the height required for development aid for Kyrgyzstan and the public diplomacy it conducted, and the resulting proposals are aimed at this situation.

Demokrasinin vazgeçilmez unsuru olan seçimler, seçmenlerin ülkenin yönetilmesinde söz sahibi olmasını istedikleri kişi ya da siyasi partiye yetki vermesi anlamına gelmektedir. Ancak seçmenlerin oy verme davranışını yönlendiren birbirinden farklı nedenler bulunabilmektedir. Sosyo-ekonomik, psikolojik birçok unsurun etkisiyle hareket eden bu seçmenlerin eğilimleri ülkelere, toplumlara hatta aynı bölge ve şehirlere göre farklılık göstermektedir. Türkiye'de seçmen tercihleri ile seçmen tercihlerini etkileyen sosyo-kültürel, ekonomik vb. etkenler hususunda çok sayıda ve geniş kapsamlı birçok araştırma yapılmıştır. Ancak seçmenlerin seçim zamanlarında gerçekleştirilen siyasal seçim kampanyalarında ortaya konulan vaatleri ne kadar dikkate aldığı ya da vaatlerin kaynağı hususunda ne kadar bilgili oldukları hakkında çok fazla bilgi bulunmamaktadır. Dolayısıyla Türkiye'de seçim kampanyalarında kullanılan seçim vaatlerinin seçmenler tarafından hangi siyasi partiye ait olduğunun bilinirliği bir problem olarak ortada durmaktadır. Bu çalışmanın amacı da bu çerçevede Türkiye'de seçim kampanyalarında kullanılan seçim vaatlerinin seçmenler tarafından bilinirliği ve kampanyalarda kullanılan seçim vaatlerinin hangi siyasi partiye ait olduğunun bilinirliğinin tespitini sağlamaktır. ; As an indispensable constituent of democracy, elections can be defined as the authorization of the individuals or political parties that voters favor most to rule the state. Nonetheless it is likely that a wide range of motives direct polling behavior of voters. Driven from a multitude of factors such as socio-economic and psychological the voters, in their polling behavior, may differ with respect to countries, social communities, regions, provinces and expectations. As an outcome of the differentiation of expectations, it became inevitable that parties with different inclinations would introduce polyphony into political life. A good number of comprehensive studies have been conducted on voter preferences in Turkey as well as socio-cultural, economic and similar factors playing role in voter preferences. Nevertheless it has been detected that there are limited number of researches focusing on to what extent voters pay heeds to the promises outspoken during political campaigns or their knowledge on the party origins of such promises. Hence it appears that the awareness of voters regarding the origin of election promises used by each party in Turkey during political campaigns stands as a problem. Within that scope the purpose of current study is to detect whether the promises given during political campaigns in Turkey are paid attention by voters and the level of awareness on the political party origins of these promises. Current research unveiling the general attitudes and inclinations of Konya voters shall meanwhile offer a general evaluation whether voters take declarations of election into consideration and how attentively they follow the party they vote for. Data essential for this research have been collected from a questionnaire which is listed amongst the resources of secondary data. In this questionnaire, there are close-ended questions in addition to Likert scale questions. Field study has been conducted through face-to-face survey method. Field study has covered collectively 1907 subjects from total 22 districts in Konya; 3 central districts and 19 sub districts. Population includes all the voters in Turkey who bear the ability of electing and being elected. After tabulating basic information and inclination of voters in districts, by taking certain criteria into account such as age, profession and income level, the evaluation shall be based on detecting certain issues voters need urgent solutions and also partial analyses shall be aimed to detect how attentively some populations follow campaign promises while voting for their parties and how attentively they analyze declarations of elections. In this questionnaire, aside from questions directed to gather information on the general evaluation of voters, there are some questions as stated below in order to uncover how attentively relevant populations follow campaign promises of the parties. "All living places shall be disabled-friendly", "A high-quality life standard shall be provided to senior citizens", "A new Constitution underscoring personal freedom and judicial independence", "Per capita income shall rise to 25 thousand dollars", "Low-income families shall be granted houses with no advance payments", "Poor newly-wed farmers shall be aided with zerointerest loan", "The dormitories in KYK (Credit and Dormitories Agency) shall reach to 600-thousand capacity", "All citizens shall be covered with health insurance", "Fight against terrorism and state aid for the victims of terrorism", "Personnel cadre ambiguity shall be stopped", "Small size farmers shall receive support", "Chauffeurs shall pay no VAT (Value added tax), SCT(Special consumption tax)", "SMEs shall pay no VAT", "Poor families shall be assisted with Hilalkart", "Wages for the disabled shall be boosted to 450 TL", "Net minimum wage shall be increased to 825 TL", "The aids for the poor shall be increased", "Poor and middle income citizens shall be provided with full mortgage", "Poor Women shall be granted assistance", "Adaptation Law shall pass and better conditions shall be provided to the retired", "University fees shall be nullified", "Istanbul shall be proclaimed as the new prestige finance center". Accordingly the answers of the voter populations to determine the origin -AKP, CHP or MHP- of the most leading promises in declarations of election and fields have been sought. Declaration of election -which is a partnership treaty signed between political parties to be elected and the voters whose polls they need- has been annexed to the relevant questionnaire because of being an issue ignored in our country. In the analysis part of research, a couple of tables that reflect the thoughts of voters regarding the political party origins of the promises that we deem to have been in relation to certain populations are illustrated. Research sampling consists of subjects bearing the ability to elect and be elected selected via simple random sampling method from voters in Konya. The questionnaire which constitutes in the introduction part general questions such as the age, gender, educational background, marital status, profession and monthly income level of participants has been divided into various groups of questions. Thus it has been aimed to detect the issues voters demand urgent solution and also how attentively voters follow election campaigns and whether they are aware of the political party origins of campaign promises. In the end it has been feasible to reach a conclusion regarding the voter population in Konya, political parties that are popular on the basis of districts. Elections are acknowledged as an indication of democratization for countries since it is verified that national will shall eventually rise as the winner from ballot box. However it is indeed hard to detect how many of the voters demonstrate a conscious attitude. Some voters bear an ideological attitude and partisan identity whereas some voters vote for the party whom they believe to be most beneficial for their own sake. The causes that lead a person to different inclinations are not only psychological but can be attributed to a wide range of variables like economic factors, family, educational level, income level, profession, religious tenets (even ethic origins during the latest ages). As regards the outcome with respect to Turkey it seems challenging to arrive at a certain conclusion for the voter population since other than entrenched votes there are also amphibian votes for the parties and no equal stability can be ensured for each party. Therefore it can be argued that the majority of Turkish voters act pragmatically rather than ideologically. In this questionnaire that constitutes the scope of current research data gathered from 22 districts of the sampling city Konya are supportive of this finding. To illustrate, the collected responses manifest that voters select with no awareness of the programs of parties and actually pay no heeds to such issues. Furthermore on the basis of such data it can reasonably be argued that the majority of voters in Konya province unite around the very same parties.

Devlet bir kurumlar bütünüdür. Devlet, içeride milli topluma bakmak, dışarıda da içinde var olmak zorunda olduğu daha geniş toplumlarla ilgilenmek zorundadır. Devlet, sınırları içinde yönetimi kendi tekeline alır. Bu durum tüm vatandaşlarca paylaşılan ortak bir politik kültürün yaratılması eğilimidir.Ulus-devlet; sınırları belirlenmiş bir toprak parçası içinde, yasal güç kullanma hakkına sahip ve yönetimi altındaki halkı türdeşleştirecek ortak kültür, simgeler, değerler yaratarak gelenekler ile köken mitini canlandıracak birleşmeyi amaçlayan devlet olarak tanımlanabilir. Ulus-devletin yapmak istediği; devleti ya da siyasal iktidarı merkezîleştirmek, kültürü standartlaştırmak, hukukta eşitliği ve ekonomide bütünleşmeyi sağlamaktır.Bugünün dünyasındaki egemenlik anlayışı, genel olarak, bir devletin ülke toprakları üzerinde yönetme yetkisini kullanma hakkı olarak tanımlanmaktadır. Bu kavramın hukuksal bir anlamı olduğu kadar siyasî bir anlamı da mevcuttur ve bu iki anlam iç içe geçmiş durumdadır. Egemenlik devletin gücünü temsil etmektedir. Uluslar işbirliğine girdikçe egemenlik gündeme gelmektedir.Küreselleşme; ülkeler arasındaki iktisâdi, sosyal ve siyasal ilişkilerin gelişmesi, farklı toplum ve kültürlerin inanç ve beklentilerinin daha iyi tanınması, uluslar arası ilişkilerin yoğunlaşması gibi birbirleriyle bağlantılı konuları içeren bir kavramdır. Küreselleşme süreci, ulus devlet yapısı içindeki hükümetlerin gücünü ve etkinliğini azaltmakta, hükümetler; ekonomik nesnelerin, teknolojik yeniliklerin, bilgi, haber ve fikirlerin akışını kontrol etmekte güçlük çekmekte, ulus devletlerin millî ekonomik politika izleme imkânı giderek azalmakta, ekonomik sınırların aşınması millî siyasî sınırların da aşınmasına yol açmaktadır. Küreselleşme olgusu, bir yandan ülkelerin ulus-üstü düzeyde ortak çıkarlarını gözeten ve koruyan örgütlenmelere katılımlarını ön plâna çıkarırken, diğer yandan ulusal ve ulus- altı düzeylerde yeni yönetişim modellerini zorunlu kılmaktadır.Dünyada devlet egemenliğinin kurulu modelleri ve uygulamalarına meydan okuyan pek çok güç vardır. Bu güçler, küreselleşeme ve uluslararasıcılıktır. Avrupa Birliği, gerek hedefleri gerekse bu hedeflere ulaşma doğrultusunda oluşturulan teşkilâtlanma yapısıyla diğer hiçbir uluslar arası örgütlenmede görülmeyecek sui generis bir uluslar arası yapılanmadır. AT'yi sui generis yapan ve diğer örgütlenmelerden ayıran en önemli özellik, belirlenen hedeflere ulaşırken hükümetler arası girişimler yerine, oluşturulan yapısal (anayasal) ve sürekli organlar vasıtasıyla bu amaçlara ulaşmasıdır.Avrupa Birliği'nin kurumlarının görev, yetki ve sorumlulukları kurucu antlaşmalarca belirlenmiştir. Antlaşmaların uluslar üstü düzenleme, uygulama ve yargılama yapma yetkisi vermiş olduğu kurumlar (Konsey, Komisyon, ATAD), Avrupa Birliği ulusları arasında uluslar üstü otorite olarak da değerlendirebilmektedir. Aynı şekilde gerek bu kurumları oluşturan antlaşmalar hukuku, gerekse yaptığı hukuk, üye devletlerde aynı etkiye sahip olup, üye devletler tarafından tek taraflı olarak değiştirilemez ve ortadan kaldırılamaz nitelikte olması da Avrupa Birliği hukukunun uluslar üstü (supranational) olduğu yaklaşımını geliştirmiştir.AB tam anlamıyla devletin ana öğelerini bünyesinde bire bir barındırmamakla beraber, devlete, özellikle federal devlet biçimine çok benzer yetkiler kullanmakta, AB Anayasal Antlaşması ile bir anayasal yurttaşlık oluşturmaya çabalamaktadır. Kuvvetler ayrılığı ilkesi çerçevesinde yasama, yürütme ve yargı yetkilerini birbirinden ayrıştırmış ve her biri için ayrı organlar yaratmış ve bunların işleyişini de kurucu antlaşmalara ve nihayetinde anayasa ile hukuk ilkelerine bağlamıştır. . Bireylerine AB Temel Haklar Şartı ile temel hak ve özgürlüklerin kullanımı ve hak arama özgürlüğünü tanımaktadır. Üyesi bulunan devletler ile yetki paylaşımı yaparak bunu anayasa metnine dâhil etmiştir. ; The State is an entire of the institutions. The State should be interested in looking after the national society inside its own borders as well as in the larger societies existing outside wherein it should be sustainable its existence. The State takes the administration within its borders into its own monopoly. Such a situtation is a trend to create a common political culture being shared by all the citizens.The nation-state can be defined as a State having the right of employing any legal power inside a piece of o the land the borders of which have been demarcated and aiming to the integration to enliven the radical myth through the traditions by creating the common culture, symbols and values, all of which will homogenize the people under its administration. What the nation ? state is to centralize the state or poltical power , and standardize the culture, and provide the equality in law and the integration in economy.The understanding of sovereignity today in the world is defined, in general, as the right of any State for employing its powers of administration upon the country?s lands. This concept has a lawful meaning as well as a political meaning; and these two meanings are interchangeable with each other. Sovereignity represents the power of the State. As long as the nations enter into collaboration with each other, the sovereignity comes into question.Globalization is a concept containing the issues being connected with each other such as the development of economic, social and political relationships among the countries, and the better understanding the beliefs and expectations of the nations? cultures, and the intensification of international relationships. The process of globalization diminishes the power and efficiency of the governments being within the structure of nation-state; so such governments have difficulty in controlling the flow of economic objects, technological innovations, informaton, news and ideas, and the possibility of the nation-states for following up their national economic policies decrease gradually. The phenomenon of globalization puts the fact that the countries participate in the organizations guarding and protecting their common intersets and benefits at a supranational level into foreground in one hand, and makes new models of governance compulsory at both national and also supranational levels in the other hand.Today in the world, there are many forces challenging to the established models and practices of the state dominance. Such forces are globalization and internationalism. The European Union is a sui generis ınternational restructuring with its organizational structure being formed in line with both its goals and also with reaching such goals, which cannot be observed in any international organization. The most important feature making the European Community sui generis and distinguishing from other organizatons is to try to reach the goals thus determined through the formed structural (constitutional) and permanent bodies instead of the inter-governmental attempts.The tasks, authorizations, powers and responsibilities of the institutions of the European Union have been determined within the scope of the constitutive treaties. The institutions which such treaties give the authorization of making the supranational arrangement, application and judgement (such as Council, Commission, Committee, the European Community Court of Justice) can be also evaluated as the supranational authorities among the nations being included in the European countries Likewise, in the same way, both the law of treaties constituting such institutions and also the law which it has made have the same effect in the member states, and the fact that such laws cannot be changed and do away with unitalerally by the member states has developed the approach that the law of the European Union is supranational.Despite the European Union does not duly shelter the main elements of a state one to one within its own structure, it has been employing some powers similar to the ones being applied by any state state, and particularly by any federal state, and trying to form a constitutional citizenship. It has separated the powers of legislation, execution and judgment from each other within the framework of the division of powers, and created the separate bodies for each of such powers, and tied the functionality and operation of the same to the constituent treaties and law principles with the constitution. It gives its individuals the freedom of using the fundamental rights as well as of seeking such rights within the context of the Condition of the European Union Fundamental Rights. It has made the share of powers and authorizations with its member states, and included the same in the text of the constitution.