Suchergebnisse

[Verf.: Georg Graf von Cancrin] ; Volltext // Exemplar mit der Signatur: München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek -- 4 Mil.g. 222 z-3

"Hilde Domin the committed writer" Political and literary issues in her correspondence with Günter Eich, Heinrich Böll and Erich Fried Lorenzo Bonosi1 Jewish-born Hilde Domin (1909-2006) returned to Germany in 1961 after more than twenty-three years of exile, spent in Italy, the UK, and the Dominican Republic. Ever since her first activities as a translator, poet and novelist, Domin criticized post-war Germany severely. Nevertheless, contrary to other exiled jewish-origin writers, Domin – who was defined as the 'Poetess of the return' by H.G. Gadamer – always proved to be ready to overcome and forgive, provided a systematic come-to-terms would take place in the newly-born Federal Republic of Germany. Despite Domin and Günter Eich were discussing the most urgent political issues of their time (eg. the role of the new left, the Middle East Issue, the German "Süsterhenn law" (for putting artistic liberty under the control of a moral law), they had a thoroughly different idea of poetry and engagement. Whereas Domin would openly take sides, Eich's lyric (including the Maulwürfe (1968)) never openly addressed a given, definite subject. It is no surprise thus that Eich always refused to interpret his own poems for the Domin-edited anthology Doppelinterpretationen (1965). The analysis of the discussion and the lyric work by Domin an Eich gives insight into the possible and actual role of poetry in contemporary society. Also with Heinrich Böll Domin debated relevant political issues of the time, but without any focus on the literary work as such. Domin was very critical towards the establishment of post-war (Western) Germany, mostly as Böll was, but, again, she expected him to explicitly take the field. The different idea of the writer vis-à-vis of society and politics becomes well evident with an open letter Domin wrote to Böll in 1971, to which he replied severely, stating that he wanted not to have any public image, nor to be one, and that Germany needed no preceptors. Thus, the major difference between Domin and Böll was their view of the intellectual's role in society. Contrary to Domin, Austrian exiled and London-based poet Erich Fried was programmatically writing – according to Domin – political poems. Their different view, both of technical literary issues, and of the political content becomes evident in the discussion about Fried's poems to be included in Domin's lyric anthology Nachkrieg und Unfrieden (1970), in which they discuss many literature topics, including poems by Paul Celan meant for the anthology. The correspondence deals with the so-called Roma-Affäre, an episode of racism against the Roma-community, the Middle-East Issue and the related German and Western positions, the Vietnam war, clarifying for instance the difference between poetry as such and the political poem. The study highlights Hilde Domin's relevant contribution to the discourse of memory in post-war Western Germany.

Die Darstellung in Form einer fiktiven "absoluten Einheit" – des neuen Wij – in Majakowskis Gedicht "Krieg und Frieden" zeigt die Infernalität eines neuen Typs im Vergleich zu Gogol. Majakowskis Gedanke ist das Gegenteil von Tolstois Pazifismus und der Idee des "ewigen Friedens" (der Roman "Krieg und Frieden"). Im Gegensatz zu Tolstoi, der sich weigert, die wahre Vielfalt der Manifestationen des Menschen und des menschlichen Prinzips zu bemerken und anzuerkennen, reduziert Majakowski alle Menschen, ihre Gedanken und Sorgen auf ihre persönlichen Ideen. ; Representing himself in his poem War and Peace in the form of a fictional "absolute unit" - the new Vij - Mayakovsky demonstrates the infernality of a new type, in comparison with Gogol's one. Mayakovsky's ideacontrasts with Tolstoy's pacifism and the idea of "eternal peace" (the novel War and Peace). Unlike Tolstoy, refusing to notice and recognize the real diversity in the manifestations of man and the human principle, Mayakovsky reduces all people, their thoughts and concerns to their personal ideas. ; Репрезентируя себя в своей поэме Война и мир в виде вымышленной «абсолютной единицы» – нового Вия – Маяковский демонстрирует инфернальность нового типа, по сравнению с гоголевской. Мысль Маяковского обратна толстовскому пацифизму и идее «вечного мира» (роман Война и мир). В отличие от Толстого отказываясь замечать и признавать реальное многообразие проявлений человека и человеческого начала, Маяковский редуцирует всех людей, их помыслы и заботы к своим личным представлениям.

Gleich nach der Oktoberrevolution wurde Trockij zum Volkskommissar für Auswärtige Angelegenheiten des revolutionären Rußlands ernannt. Die Hauptfrage nach der sozialistischen Revolution war die Frage des Friedens. Zusammen mit Lenin beteiligte sich Trockij an der Entwicklung eines Aktionsplans für Friedensverhandlungen. Hier äußerten sich die gegensätzlichen Auffassungen von Lenin und Trockij über die Einstellung des Krieges. Drängte Lenin auf einen sofortigen Frieden als Vorrausasetzung für das Überleben des Sowjetstaats, so ging Trockij davon aus, daß der demokratische Frieden nur dann möglich ist, wenn die Weltrevolution erfolgt. Der Friedensvertrag wurde in Brest-Litovsk unterzeichnet, die Auffassungen Trockijs von der "permanenten Revolution" hatten zur Folge, daß er auf dem 7. Parteitag von Lenin scharf kritisiert wurde und anschließend als Volkskommissar für Auswärtige Angelegenheiten zurücktrat. (BIOst-Ldg)