Africa's informal power-sharing and the prospects for peace
In: Civil wars, Band 15, Heft 1, S. 37-53
ISSN: 1369-8249
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In: Civil wars, Band 15, Heft 1, S. 37-53
ISSN: 1369-8249
World Affairs Online
In: International peacekeeping, Band 25, Heft 3, S. 420-445
ISSN: 1743-906X
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In: Southeast Asian affairs, S. 267-280
ISSN: 0377-5437
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In: Orient: deutsche Zeitschrift für Politik, Wirtschaft und Kultur des Orients, Band 54, Heft 2, S. 50-56
"Since the beginning of what came to be known as the 'Palestinian Question' at the beginning of the 20th century, the conflict fundamentally altered meanings, images, and identities of the self and the other of the parties involved. Framing the conflict as the Israeli/ Palestinian Conflict is in itself the outcome of a profound transformation in both camps. Indeed, the conflict was dubbed the Arab-Zionist, Arab-Israeli, and Palestinian-Israeli Conflicts respectively. This has been a reflection of, and contributed to, the awakening, sharpening, and crystallization of the independent national consciousness amongst the Palestinian people, and to the framing of the current internal dynamics of Israeli politics. The Palestinian-Israeli conflict was Born at the end of the 19th century as a result of Incompatible national aspirations' between the Zionist movement and the indigenous population of Palestine (the Palestinians) and over the land of Palestine. Zionism started in Europe as a reaction to mounting anti-semitism there, and aspired to the building of a Jewish State in Palestine by encouraging European Jews to migrate to Palestine and settle in a classical settler-colonial project that did not take into account the aspirations of the Palestinian people for independence and self-determination. Palestinians, who regard themselves as the 'rightful indigenous inheritors of all the Arab communities that have settled in Palestine since time immemorial', went on with their resistance against both Jewish emigration and the British authorities. This clash of nationalisms constituted a failure of the concepts of coexistence and multiculturalism, and led to a century of conflict, exclusionist policies, racism, and ultimately ethnic cleansing committed by the Zionist movement against the Palestinian people it took the international community almost four decades to come to the conclusion that the Palestinian-Israeli conflict should be resolved in a two-state formula, Palestine and Israel, living side by side in peace. 'The Road Map to a Permanent Two-State Solution to the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict', sponsored in April 2003 by the US, EU, Russia, and the United Nations (the 'Quartet'), designed a framework to achieve permanent resolution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict within the context of U.N. Resolution 242's 'Land for Peace' formula. This institutionalizes, with the full force of international legitimacy, the failure of multicultural coexistence which, in the form of various 'Bi-national' and 'Single Democratic State' proposals, have existed, in a minor key, an both the Zionist and Palestinian sides of the conflict throughout its history, and have not lost their appeal even now. ." (author's abstract)
In: Arbeitspapiere des Osteuropa-Instituts der Freien Universität Berlin, Arbeitsschwerpunkt Politik, Band 77
Foreword. - Introduction. - Chapter One: Overview of the Crisis. - Chapter Two: Overlapping Confllcts between the Two Sudans. - Chapter Three: Safeguarding a Precarious Peace. - Chapter Four: Government of National Unity (GoNU). - Chapter Five: Government of South Sudan. - Chapter Six: The Internallyv Displaced and Refugees. - Chapter Seven: Allegations of Genocide and Mass Atrocities. - Conclusion
World Affairs Online
In: Asian affairs: an American review, Band 45, Heft 2, S. 119-138
ISSN: 1940-1590
This article analyzes and compares four results of public opinion surveys conducted through the coordination of academic institutions in Thailand's Deep South. Based on the concepts of the conflict transformation, the study indicates, in the survey data conducted from 2015 to 2017, that people in the Deep South have had mixed feelings about the ongoing peace talks and the violent situation. The more open form of autonomous governance has been advocated by a sizable number of people, but the spiral of silence dominating the "no comment" groups still makes it problematic to predict the future. More studies need to be done and the article also shows that the survey research, if carried out properly, could reveal the unseen drivers of change in the conflict society. (Asian Aff/GIGA)
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In: Asian defence journal: ADJ, S. 4-5
ISSN: 0126-6403
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In: Conflict, security & development, Band 14, Heft 3, S. [275]-308
ISSN: 1467-8802
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In: Journal of peace research, Band 56, Heft 3, S. 452-466
ISSN: 1460-3578
This article introduces PA-X, a peace agreement database designed to improve understanding of negotiated pathways out of conflict. PA-X enables scholars, mediators, conflict parties and civil society actors to systematically compare how peace and transition processes formalize negotiated commitments in an attempt to move towards peace. PA-X provides an archive and comprehensive census of peace agreements using a broad definition to capture agreements at all phases of peace processes in both intrastate and interstate conflict, from 1990 to 2016. These comprise ceasefire, pre-negotiation, substantive (partial and comprehensive), and implementation agreements, disaggregated by country/entity, region, conflict type, agreement type and stage of agreement totalling over 1,500 agreements in more than 140 peace and transition processes. PA-X provides the full text of agreements, and qualitative and quantitative coding of 225 categories relating to politics, law, security, development and implementation. Data can be aggregated or merged with conflict datasets, effectively providing many datasets within one database. PA-X supports new comparative research on peace agreements, but also on peace processes – enabling tracing of how actors and issues change over time – to inform understandings of conflict termination. We illustrate PA-X applications by showing that an intricate peace process history correlates with reduced likelihood of conflict recurrence, and that cumulative provisions addressing elections see the quality of subsequent post-conflict elections improve.
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In: Journal of politics in Latin America, Band 11, Heft 3, S. 272-297
ISSN: 1868-4890
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In: International organization, Band 72, Heft 2, S. 387–421
ISSN: 1531-5088
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In: Critical Asian studies, Band 48, Heft 4, S. 528-555
ISSN: 1467-2715
Anthropological analyses of post conflict narratives reveal how strategic interests mobilize to resolve or perpetuate conflict. Three years after the 2005 Helsinki peace agreement between the Government of Indonesia and the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) that ended GAM's thirty-year separatist rebellion, the author led a post conflict programming evaluation. Drawing upon qualitative interviews of rural informants for this study and using an anthropological approach to narrative analysis, this article argues that recovery narratives can be understood in terms of official and counter-official discourses, each utilizing strategic resources to amplify their interpretation of an unfolding peace process. Subaltern narratives heard most clearly are empowered because they adhere to narrative conventions proscribed by the peace agreement and other powerful discourses such as GAM's separatist ideology. Other unrecognized voices are left out; their stories of recovery resist easy interpretation and sidestep clichéd narratives of peace. (Crit Asian Stud/GIGA)
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The UN-led Cyprus peace process is in desperate need of radical transformation. This book makes a notable contribution towards changing the current discourse by empowering the main parties to better value their relationship. By altering goals and perceptions, the authors explore alternative visions for the future of Cyprus, suggesting both realistically feasible and politically challenging ideas. Using an exciting, innovative and multifocal approach, the authors discuss the practical application of specific solutions and explore the radical disagreements of the conflict at both social and political levels. Reflecting on the idea of a 'post-settlement' state of affairs and the prospect of such a reality, chapters illustrate the problems, challenges and political dynamics of Cyprus. The book explores the conceptual approaches to dialogue; reviews Greek, Turkish and Cypriot policies; probes the challenging roles of the UN and EU; canvasses Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot perspectives on the conflict; and, finally, offers dialogical reflections and debates on past and future problems. Allowing open and expressive dialogue, this book will interest those in academic and practitioner roles focused on international politics, conflict resolution and peace studies. It allows for further understanding of the complex perspectives presented in Cyprus that have great relevance in other international settings.
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