Suchergebnisse

Political theories addressing the issue of building and expanding democracy often associate its presence with a strong civic society, as key ingredient for structural democracies. In this article, our focus is on the dynamics and recent tendencies of non-governmental organizations promoting gender equality. Inquiring on their institutional capacity, recent history, main claims and potential for coalition we try to understand the role of Romanian NGOs in fostering gender equality following EU accession. Within this context, we focus on advocacy priorities, as well as main strategies in building private - public partnerships and influencing public policies.

Women's low rate of participation at the highest levels of politics is a recurrent topic in the gender studies literature. Romanian historiography is not very generous in this regard. The present study proposes an introduction to a survey on the women politicians during the 2004-2008 legislature in Romania. In order to understand the complexity of structural, economic, political, and ideological factors, it is necessary to start with an analysis of the trajectories that allowed women to reach a high political position: a seat in the national Parliament. For this purpose, the article examines several types of sources (official CVs, personal blogs, as well as fragments from interviews conducted with 11 women members of Parliament during the 2004-2008 legislature) in order to address the following questions: Who are the women politicians during the 2004-2008 legislature? Which are the efficient resources for a successful political career? What is women politicians' subjective perspective on their access to politics and on their political success? This first inquiry, part of a larger research, intends to identify the explanatory reasons regarding women politicians' role and status; the functioning of the selection procedures within political parties; and the practices related to political "power".

Since 2000, new women's movements emerge like Ni putes ni soumises (NPNS) who give a new approach to activism: not the one on feminists in the classical sense of the term with the connotations it carries, but women carrying claims in the media and through the media on the living conditions of the residents of the suburbs. So, many media will take part in the mediatization of NPNS and its discourses, and will serve in some way as a place of "factory" for the public opinion.

In the context of post-war Bosnia, this article analyzes the processes by which Bosnian muslim women restructure their identities, combining different elements such as gender, religion and citizenship. Distancing themselves from prescribed social roles inherited from the Yugoslav era, they strive to forge individual subjectivities. This requires the recognition of a Bosnian national identity, which grounds their legitimity as citizens in public space. Our study then shows the different arrangements Muslim women (who chose to wear a hijab) make in an effort to articulate two powerful identity poles, namely gender and religion. Some directly link the two through their professional endeavours, creating NGOs or choosing to enter the political arena. Others struggle, reconsider their choice of a visible religious identity, as the perception of the hijab in the public sphere threatens their subjectivity as independent women, which they deem unacceptable. In all cases, their goal is to achieve professional excellence -as work is the most important symbol of autonomy and of recognition- and to contribute actively to the remodelling of Bosnian society after the war. Creating or restoring one's subjectivity is inextricably linked to a commitment to social reform at large, particularly on a gender level.

Cet article s'attache à comprendre pourquoi, en dépit de l'inflation de ses usages et du brouillage conceptuel qui en résulte, la notion de crise demeure un concept explicatif central des sciences économiques et des discours qui s'en inspirent. L'instrumentalisation du paradigme explicatif de la crise contribue, en outre, à légitimer des politiques qui ne sont pas toujours favorables au développement, notamment en matière de genre.

Die Autorin gibt eine systematische Übersicht über die Ziele und Merkmale des Gender-Ansatzes im Rahmen der Entwicklungshilfe und Entwicklungspolitik. In ihrer Einleitung beschreibt sie zunächst die Entstehung des theoretischen Konzepts "Geschlecht" in den Bereichen "Frauen und Entwicklung" und "Geschlecht und Entwicklung". Sie erörtert ferner die soziokulturellen Aspekte der Partizipation von Frauen sowie das Problem der Feminisierung der Armut. Im zweiten Teil ihres Arbeitsberichts geht die Autorin auf die aktuelle Debatte zum Gender-Ansatz und die Interaktionen von Frauen auf der mikro-, meso- und makroökonomischen Ebene ein. Die methodologische Annäherung an die Kategorie Geschlecht und die notwendigen Instrumente der Entwicklungsplanung stehen im Vordergrund des dritten Teils. Im letzten Kapitel definiert die Autorin die Politiken und Strategien für die verschiedenen Sektoren der Entwicklungszusammenarbeit, welche die Prinzipien des Gender-Ansatzes bei der Armutsbekämpfung verfolgen. (ICI)

The article aims at ascertaining to which extent family policies determine, accompany or announce the social and especially family realities, identifiable in the dynamics of socio-demographic data, in order to uncover in depth the contemporary metamorphoses of gender relations. The author thus presents an overview of family policies and gender equality in the European context, and, more specifically, in the framework of the "other" Europe, before and after the fall of communism. This comparative approach is then used in the case study of the particular link between political regimes and the gender divide in Romania. Therefore, the article emphasizes the complexity of relations between gender and family policies, relations which are connected with the multiple ways of conceiving equality, as well as with the plurality of perspectives on family, which underline the articulation of any family policy.

The paper explores the beginning of women's movement during the second half of the 19th century in Romania. What kind of capitals and positions did allow women to enter a sphere (the public sphere) that officially was inaccessible to them? What kind of actions or ideas mobilized women? What was the relationship between the normative models and their contestation? The social origin, the intellectual formation, marriage (especially the husband's profession) seem to have been essential factors for the women's public presence and expression. The article shows that initially charity and discourses on feminine education prevailed; feminist ideas and practices intervened at a later stage and had difficulties in consolidating. The context in which these changes take place is the period of the formation of a gender awareness, a condition for the birth of the feminist movement.