Suchergebnisse

Standards of education attainments, indicating the most important guidelines of maturity and attainments, define the level of quality of pupils' knowledge, faculties, skills and abilities pursued at the comprehensive school and desirable approaches. For a long time the system of education of Lithuania has been following neutral attitude towards gender, although one of the principles of article 5 of the Law on Education of the Republic of Lithuania says: "equal opportunities: the system of education is socially fair, it ensures persons' equality regardless of their gender,. ( ); it ensures availability of education for every person,.()". The article familiarises with one of the instruments for implementing gender equality policy of the EU: measurement indicators, which create a possibility to observe the level of understanding gender equality among young people and the process of consolidation of equality in countries-members and to make international comparisons. The indicators are quantitative and qualitative information, grounded on the child's social and cultural participation context and educational content at the comprehensive school. It is foreseen to evaluate quality of the results of developing gender equality, learning outcomes and abilities of genders (girls and boys) applying three qualitative indicators.

The article investigates the peculiarities of application of gender discourse to the visual propaganda of war by analysing the representations of gender roles in World War II posters and leaflets. It was necessary for propaganda intended to raise the military spirit of solders and increase productivity at home front, to highlight the symbolic boundaries between own and others (enemies) and to develop it for both war and home spaces. The article reveals dual application of gender as discursive means in war propaganda. The first part of the article discloses the analysis of gender discourse as a mobilising tool: discussing the demand for a new woman as an active war actor, identity development determined by economical decline caused by war, and analysing the use of visual images of traditional femininity in constructing hegemonic masculinity relevant to militaristic myth, and in enemy feminisation processes. The second part is dedicated to the analysis of psychologically destabilising impact of sexual images widely used in leaflets on enemy army.

The article investigates the peculiarities of application of gender discourse to the visual propaganda of war by analysing the representations of gender roles in World War II posters and leaflets. It was necessary for propaganda intended to raise the military spirit of solders and increase productivity at home front, to highlight the symbolic boundaries between own and others (enemies) and to develop it for both war and home spaces. The article reveals dual application of gender as discursive means in war propaganda. The first part of the article discloses the analysis of gender discourse as a mobilising tool: discussing the demand for a new woman as an active war actor, identity development determined by economical decline caused by war, and analysing the use of visual images of traditional femininity in constructing hegemonic masculinity relevant to militaristic myth, and in enemy feminisation processes. The second part is dedicated to the analysis of psychologically destabilising impact of sexual images widely used in leaflets on enemy army.

In the chapter, in the light of the concept of gender democracy the Lithuanian situation in respect to the politics of gender equality is described and insights into the developments of gender democracy are provided, based on the case study of the transposition of the EC Directive 2004/113/EC on equal treatment of men and women in the access to and supply of goods and services. The study reveals that the process and content of national and European gender equality legislation vividly display a mismatch of agendas and underscores deficiencies of gender democracy in Lithuania. The chapter also provides hints into eventual dynamics of gender democracy in Lithuania.

In the chapter, in the light of the concept of gender democracy the Lithuanian situation in respect to the politics of gender equality is described and insights into the developments of gender democracy are provided, based on the case study of the transposition of the EC Directive 2004/113/EC on equal treatment of men and women in the access to and supply of goods and services. The study reveals that the process and content of national and European gender equality legislation vividly display a mismatch of agendas and underscores deficiencies of gender democracy in Lithuania. The chapter also provides hints into eventual dynamics of gender democracy in Lithuania.

In the chapter, in the light of the concept of gender democracy the Lithuanian situation in respect to the politics of gender equality is described and insights into the developments of gender democracy are provided, based on the case study of the transposition of the EC Directive 2004/113/EC on equal treatment of men and women in the access to and supply of goods and services. The study reveals that the process and content of national and European gender equality legislation vividly display a mismatch of agendas and underscores deficiencies of gender democracy in Lithuania. The chapter also provides hints into eventual dynamics of gender democracy in Lithuania.

In the chapter, in the light of the concept of gender democracy the Lithuanian situation in respect to the politics of gender equality is described and insights into the developments of gender democracy are provided, based on the case study of the transposition of the EC Directive 2004/113/EC on equal treatment of men and women in the access to and supply of goods and services. The study reveals that the process and content of national and European gender equality legislation vividly display a mismatch of agendas and underscores deficiencies of gender democracy in Lithuania. The chapter also provides hints into eventual dynamics of gender democracy in Lithuania.

Trust is the basis for society's life quality and social wellbeing (Hosmer, 1995). High trust societies need less resources for bureaucratic and legal measures to protect their members from each other's' opportunistic behavior, their public institutions meet public interest with lower costs, their citizens are more actively engaged in democratic processes and crime prevention (Connell et al., 2003; Fukuyama, 1995; Putnam, 1993; Sztompka, 1999). Therefore, the crisis because of diminishing public trust in government and public institutions has been addressed by representatives from academia and (supra)national institutions, in particular in the context of public sector reforms (Berg, 2005). Prior research on public trust has been focused on government as the addressee of trust and, respectively, factors that influence this type of trust. In this respect, a study by Danaee Fard and Anvary Rostamy (2007) distinguishes performance results as factors of public trust. Moreover, it specifies that performance results integrate macro, e.g. unemployment rate, GDP growth, inflation etc. and micro performance results, e.g. citizens' satisfaction with public service quality. As civil service is an institution, which implements, manages and controls the realization of political decisions we argue that in order to understand the factors of public trust civil service as an addressee of trust should be explored. A representative opinion poll on public trust in Lithuanian civil service that was carried out in 2016 revealed that ethical values such as a civil servant's responsibility and respect to the client, impartiality of civil service organizations, their self-regulation and integrity are among the key factors of public trust in civil service (Novelskaitė and Pučėtaitė, 2018). In this article, we carry out deeper analysis of the factors determining public trust and explore the attitudes of politicians. Drawing on the concept of trust as an attitude, which integrates both cognitive/ rational and emotional components (Fishbein and Ajzen 1975; Taylor-Gooby, 2008; Tyler and Kramer, 1996), we assume that stakeholder groups such as politicians, media, businesspersons / associations have more opportunities to interact with civil service. Therefore, their experience may differ significantly from the one of citizens who are not exposed to active interaction with the respective institutions. As the representative opinion poll of 2016 indicated that politicians among other stakeholders have the highest trust in civil service, in this paper we focus on politicians' attitudes to the factors of public trust. In addition, as sociodemographic characteristics of respondents have influence on evaluations of trust (Beu et al., 2003; Hamm et al., 2016; Salminen and Ikola-Norrbacka, 2009; Tan and Tambyah, 2011), we take a gender-based perspective to the findings. The survey (n=142, 71% men and 29% women, 17% did not indicate their gender) findings indicate that politicians considered civil servants' qualification and professionalism in providing service as the main factors determining public trust. Differently from the representative opinion poll, their evaluations highlighted individual rather than institutional factors. Further analysis of the findings indicate that from the perspective of women politicians normative aspects of civil service institutions, their transparency and meeting public interest with the processes are important to trust development. From the perspective of male politicians, the internal aspects of performance of civil service institutions, pragmatic characteristics at individual level (e.g. provision of information to the politicians) count for developing trust. We conclude our paper by highlighting some aspects of improving management of civil service institutions and directions for further research.

Trust is the basis for society's life quality and social wellbeing (Hosmer, 1995). High trust societies need less resources for bureaucratic and legal measures to protect their members from each other's' opportunistic behavior, their public institutions meet public interest with lower costs, their citizens are more actively engaged in democratic processes and crime prevention (Connell et al., 2003; Fukuyama, 1995; Putnam, 1993; Sztompka, 1999). Therefore, the crisis because of diminishing public trust in government and public institutions has been addressed by representatives from academia and (supra)national institutions, in particular in the context of public sector reforms (Berg, 2005). Prior research on public trust has been focused on government as the addressee of trust and, respectively, factors that influence this type of trust. In this respect, a study by Danaee Fard and Anvary Rostamy (2007) distinguishes performance results as factors of public trust. Moreover, it specifies that performance results integrate macro, e.g. unemployment rate, GDP growth, inflation etc. and micro performance results, e.g. citizens' satisfaction with public service quality. As civil service is an institution, which implements, manages and controls the realization of political decisions we argue that in order to understand the factors of public trust civil service as an addressee of trust should be explored. A representative opinion poll on public trust in Lithuanian civil service that was carried out in 2016 revealed that ethical values such as a civil servant's responsibility and respect to the client, impartiality of civil service organizations, their self-regulation and integrity are among the key factors of public trust in civil service (Novelskaitė and Pučėtaitė, 2018). In this article, we carry out deeper analysis of the factors determining public trust and explore the attitudes of politicians. Drawing on the concept of trust as an attitude, which integrates both cognitive/ rational and emotional components (Fishbein and Ajzen 1975; Taylor-Gooby, 2008; Tyler and Kramer, 1996), we assume that stakeholder groups such as politicians, media, businesspersons / associations have more opportunities to interact with civil service. Therefore, their experience may differ significantly from the one of citizens who are not exposed to active interaction with the respective institutions. As the representative opinion poll of 2016 indicated that politicians among other stakeholders have the highest trust in civil service, in this paper we focus on politicians' attitudes to the factors of public trust. In addition, as sociodemographic characteristics of respondents have influence on evaluations of trust (Beu et al., 2003; Hamm et al., 2016; Salminen and Ikola-Norrbacka, 2009; Tan and Tambyah, 2011), we take a gender-based perspective to the findings. The survey (n=142, 71% men and 29% women, 17% did not indicate their gender) findings indicate that politicians considered civil servants' qualification and professionalism in providing service as the main factors determining public trust. Differently from the representative opinion poll, their evaluations highlighted individual rather than institutional factors. Further analysis of the findings indicate that from the perspective of women politicians normative aspects of civil service institutions, their transparency and meeting public interest with the processes are important to trust development. From the perspective of male politicians, the internal aspects of performance of civil service institutions, pragmatic characteristics at individual level (e.g. provision of information to the politicians) count for developing trust. We conclude our paper by highlighting some aspects of improving management of civil service institutions and directions for further research.

Trust is the basis for society's life quality and social wellbeing (Hosmer, 1995). High trust societies need less resources for bureaucratic and legal measures to protect their members from each other's' opportunistic behavior, their public institutions meet public interest with lower costs, their citizens are more actively engaged in democratic processes and crime prevention (Connell et al., 2003; Fukuyama, 1995; Putnam, 1993; Sztompka, 1999). Therefore, the crisis because of diminishing public trust in government and public institutions has been addressed by representatives from academia and (supra)national institutions, in particular in the context of public sector reforms (Berg, 2005). Prior research on public trust has been focused on government as the addressee of trust and, respectively, factors that influence this type of trust. In this respect, a study by Danaee Fard and Anvary Rostamy (2007) distinguishes performance results as factors of public trust. Moreover, it specifies that performance results integrate macro, e.g. unemployment rate, GDP growth, inflation etc. and micro performance results, e.g. citizens' satisfaction with public service quality. As civil service is an institution, which implements, manages and controls the realization of political decisions we argue that in order to understand the factors of public trust civil service as an addressee of trust should be explored. A representative opinion poll on public trust in Lithuanian civil service that was carried out in 2016 revealed that ethical values such as a civil servant's responsibility and respect to the client, impartiality of civil service organizations, their self-regulation and integrity are among the key factors of public trust in civil service (Novelskaitė and Pučėtaitė, 2018). In this article, we carry out deeper analysis of the factors determining public trust and explore the attitudes of politicians. Drawing on the concept of trust as an attitude, which integrates both cognitive/ rational and emotional components (Fishbein and Ajzen 1975; Taylor-Gooby, 2008; Tyler and Kramer, 1996), we assume that stakeholder groups such as politicians, media, businesspersons / associations have more opportunities to interact with civil service. Therefore, their experience may differ significantly from the one of citizens who are not exposed to active interaction with the respective institutions. As the representative opinion poll of 2016 indicated that politicians among other stakeholders have the highest trust in civil service, in this paper we focus on politicians' attitudes to the factors of public trust. In addition, as sociodemographic characteristics of respondents have influence on evaluations of trust (Beu et al., 2003; Hamm et al., 2016; Salminen and Ikola-Norrbacka, 2009; Tan and Tambyah, 2011), we take a gender-based perspective to the findings. The survey (n=142, 71% men and 29% women, 17% did not indicate their gender) findings indicate that politicians considered civil servants' qualification and professionalism in providing service as the main factors determining public trust. Differently from the representative opinion poll, their evaluations highlighted individual rather than institutional factors. Further analysis of the findings indicate that from the perspective of women politicians normative aspects of civil service institutions, their transparency and meeting public interest with the processes are important to trust development. From the perspective of male politicians, the internal aspects of performance of civil service institutions, pragmatic characteristics at individual level (e.g. provision of information to the politicians) count for developing trust. We conclude our paper by highlighting some aspects of improving management of civil service institutions and directions for further research.

Trust is the basis for society's life quality and social wellbeing (Hosmer, 1995). High trust societies need less resources for bureaucratic and legal measures to protect their members from each other's' opportunistic behavior, their public institutions meet public interest with lower costs, their citizens are more actively engaged in democratic processes and crime prevention (Connell et al., 2003; Fukuyama, 1995; Putnam, 1993; Sztompka, 1999). Therefore, the crisis because of diminishing public trust in government and public institutions has been addressed by representatives from academia and (supra)national institutions, in particular in the context of public sector reforms (Berg, 2005). Prior research on public trust has been focused on government as the addressee of trust and, respectively, factors that influence this type of trust. In this respect, a study by Danaee Fard and Anvary Rostamy (2007) distinguishes performance results as factors of public trust. Moreover, it specifies that performance results integrate macro, e.g. unemployment rate, GDP growth, inflation etc. and micro performance results, e.g. citizens' satisfaction with public service quality. As civil service is an institution, which implements, manages and controls the realization of political decisions we argue that in order to understand the factors of public trust civil service as an addressee of trust should be explored. A representative opinion poll on public trust in Lithuanian civil service that was carried out in 2016 revealed that ethical values such as a civil servant's responsibility and respect to the client, impartiality of civil service organizations, their self-regulation and integrity are among the key factors of public trust in civil service (Novelskaitė and Pučėtaitė, 2018). In this article, we carry out deeper analysis of the factors determining public trust and explore the attitudes of politicians. Drawing on the concept of trust as an attitude, which integrates both cognitive/ rational and emotional components (Fishbein and Ajzen 1975; Taylor-Gooby, 2008; Tyler and Kramer, 1996), we assume that stakeholder groups such as politicians, media, businesspersons / associations have more opportunities to interact with civil service. Therefore, their experience may differ significantly from the one of citizens who are not exposed to active interaction with the respective institutions. As the representative opinion poll of 2016 indicated that politicians among other stakeholders have the highest trust in civil service, in this paper we focus on politicians' attitudes to the factors of public trust. In addition, as sociodemographic characteristics of respondents have influence on evaluations of trust (Beu et al., 2003; Hamm et al., 2016; Salminen and Ikola-Norrbacka, 2009; Tan and Tambyah, 2011), we take a gender-based perspective to the findings. The survey (n=142, 71% men and 29% women, 17% did not indicate their gender) findings indicate that politicians considered civil servants' qualification and professionalism in providing service as the main factors determining public trust. Differently from the representative opinion poll, their evaluations highlighted individual rather than institutional factors. Further analysis of the findings indicate that from the perspective of women politicians normative aspects of civil service institutions, their transparency and meeting public interest with the processes are important to trust development. From the perspective of male politicians, the internal aspects of performance of civil service institutions, pragmatic characteristics at individual level (e.g. provision of information to the politicians) count for developing trust. We conclude our paper by highlighting some aspects of improving management of civil service institutions and directions for further research.

Trust is the basis for society's life quality and social wellbeing (Hosmer, 1995). High trust societies need less resources for bureaucratic and legal measures to protect their members from each other's' opportunistic behavior, their public institutions meet public interest with lower costs, their citizens are more actively engaged in democratic processes and crime prevention (Connell et al., 2003; Fukuyama, 1995; Putnam, 1993; Sztompka, 1999). Therefore, the crisis because of diminishing public trust in government and public institutions has been addressed by representatives from academia and (supra)national institutions, in particular in the context of public sector reforms (Berg, 2005). Prior research on public trust has been focused on government as the addressee of trust and, respectively, factors that influence this type of trust. In this respect, a study by Danaee Fard and Anvary Rostamy (2007) distinguishes performance results as factors of public trust. Moreover, it specifies that performance results integrate macro, e.g. unemployment rate, GDP growth, inflation etc. and micro performance results, e.g. citizens' satisfaction with public service quality. As civil service is an institution, which implements, manages and controls the realization of political decisions we argue that in order to understand the factors of public trust civil service as an addressee of trust should be explored. A representative opinion poll on public trust in Lithuanian civil service that was carried out in 2016 revealed that ethical values such as a civil servant's responsibility and respect to the client, impartiality of civil service organizations, their self-regulation and integrity are among the key factors of public trust in civil service (Novelskaitė and Pučėtaitė, 2018). In this article, we carry out deeper analysis of the factors determining public trust and explore the attitudes of politicians. Drawing on the concept of trust as an attitude, which integrates both cognitive/ rational and emotional components (Fishbein and Ajzen 1975; Taylor-Gooby, 2008; Tyler and Kramer, 1996), we assume that stakeholder groups such as politicians, media, businesspersons / associations have more opportunities to interact with civil service. Therefore, their experience may differ significantly from the one of citizens who are not exposed to active interaction with the respective institutions. As the representative opinion poll of 2016 indicated that politicians among other stakeholders have the highest trust in civil service, in this paper we focus on politicians' attitudes to the factors of public trust. In addition, as sociodemographic characteristics of respondents have influence on evaluations of trust (Beu et al., 2003; Hamm et al., 2016; Salminen and Ikola-Norrbacka, 2009; Tan and Tambyah, 2011), we take a gender-based perspective to the findings. The survey (n=142, 71% men and 29% women, 17% did not indicate their gender) findings indicate that politicians considered civil servants' qualification and professionalism in providing service as the main factors determining public trust. Differently from the representative opinion poll, their evaluations highlighted individual rather than institutional factors. Further analysis of the findings indicate that from the perspective of women politicians normative aspects of civil service institutions, their transparency and meeting public interest with the processes are important to trust development. From the perspective of male politicians, the internal aspects of performance of civil service institutions, pragmatic characteristics at individual level (e.g. provision of information to the politicians) count for developing trust. We conclude our paper by highlighting some aspects of improving management of civil service institutions and directions for further research.

Trust is the basis for society's life quality and social wellbeing (Hosmer, 1995). High trust societies need less resources for bureaucratic and legal measures to protect their members from each other's' opportunistic behavior, their public institutions meet public interest with lower costs, their citizens are more actively engaged in democratic processes and crime prevention (Connell et al., 2003; Fukuyama, 1995; Putnam, 1993; Sztompka, 1999). Therefore, the crisis because of diminishing public trust in government and public institutions has been addressed by representatives from academia and (supra)national institutions, in particular in the context of public sector reforms (Berg, 2005). Prior research on public trust has been focused on government as the addressee of trust and, respectively, factors that influence this type of trust. In this respect, a study by Danaee Fard and Anvary Rostamy (2007) distinguishes performance results as factors of public trust. Moreover, it specifies that performance results integrate macro, e.g. unemployment rate, GDP growth, inflation etc. and micro performance results, e.g. citizens' satisfaction with public service quality. As civil service is an institution, which implements, manages and controls the realization of political decisions we argue that in order to understand the factors of public trust civil service as an addressee of trust should be explored. A representative opinion poll on public trust in Lithuanian civil service that was carried out in 2016 revealed that ethical values such as a civil servant's responsibility and respect to the client, impartiality of civil service organizations, their self-regulation and integrity are among the key factors of public trust in civil service (Novelskaitė and Pučėtaitė, 2018). In this article, we carry out deeper analysis of the factors determining public trust and explore the attitudes of politicians. Drawing on the concept of trust as an attitude, which integrates both cognitive/ rational and emotional components (Fishbein and Ajzen 1975; Taylor-Gooby, 2008; Tyler and Kramer, 1996), we assume that stakeholder groups such as politicians, media, businesspersons / associations have more opportunities to interact with civil service. Therefore, their experience may differ significantly from the one of citizens who are not exposed to active interaction with the respective institutions. As the representative opinion poll of 2016 indicated that politicians among other stakeholders have the highest trust in civil service, in this paper we focus on politicians' attitudes to the factors of public trust. In addition, as sociodemographic characteristics of respondents have influence on evaluations of trust (Beu et al., 2003; Hamm et al., 2016; Salminen and Ikola-Norrbacka, 2009; Tan and Tambyah, 2011), we take a gender-based perspective to the findings. The survey (n=142, 71% men and 29% women, 17% did not indicate their gender) findings indicate that politicians considered civil servants' qualification and professionalism in providing service as the main factors determining public trust. Differently from the representative opinion poll, their evaluations highlighted individual rather than institutional factors. Further analysis of the findings indicate that from the perspective of women politicians normative aspects of civil service institutions, their transparency and meeting public interest with the processes are important to trust development. From the perspective of male politicians, the internal aspects of performance of civil service institutions, pragmatic characteristics at individual level (e.g. provision of information to the politicians) count for developing trust. We conclude our paper by highlighting some aspects of improving management of civil service institutions and directions for further research.

Transsexual people are a part of society, for which the legal framework is not provided in Lithuania. The law projects, presented by the members of the Seimas, remained at project level and nowadays, there is no law at Lithuania, which would recognise sex change. The recognition of gender is the most important aspect for people that want to change genders. Certain subordinate legislation regulates the identification document change, health care, partnership of transsexual people; however, not all laws are implemented due to a legal gap. The problem of the work. In the Lithuanian Civil Code, a person's right to medically change genders, if it is medically possible, was established. The sex change surgery, the gender itself was supposed to have been adjusted by a special Sex change law, which still has not been admitted. So, the question addressed is how such a person's rights can be ensured in Lithuania, if a person after a full or partial sex change, once their passport and other important documents have been changed, could legalise themselves in Lithuania. Another aspect due to which even more questions arise is how you could determine the retirement age of the person that had changed their gender, since the retirement age for men and women is different. The raised problem is that health care services concerning sex change are not provided to people that had changed their gender. In addition, the question of family formation is important – can people that had changed their gender adopt when they marry a representative of the opposite gender, since no such regulation in Lithuania exists. Also, questions are raised about sports: could a person, after changing their gender, take part in a sport, i.e. play for the women's team if they were a man before and vice versa; could they resume their sports activities after the surgery. Therefore, it can be said that the topic is quite problematic and has many unanswered questions. The main problem of the work is the limiting of rights of people, who wish to change their gender, which leads to the uncertainty of those people's situation. Lithuania is not the only country, which does not have an established Sex change law, such a problem is sore in other countries of the European Union; therefore, it should be solved. The relevance of the work. After analysing the Lithuanian and foreign scientific literature, after conducting the surveys, the legal regulatory failures that over time change in certain aspects in each country are revealed. After the Sex change law has not been passed in Lithuania, the legal status of transsexual people is not clear. You cannot have gender reassignment surgery, directly address authorities, which would perform the change in the civil status acts, healthcare is not provided. A detailed analysis of legal problems concerning sex change, the lack of its regulations both in Lithuania and in other countries is provided. In addition, the relevance is distinguished also by the fact that a changing practise is noticed in The European Court of Human Rights Cases, in which a different view on transsexual people's rights is reflected than in national law. A hypothesis that has been brought in that the rights of a person that had changed his gender by medical means are not ensured has confirmed itself. After conducting the analysis, it can be concluded that such a limitation of the people's legal framework and the non-establishment of the Sex change law does not ensure the rights of transsexual people. A full change of the person's gender is required in Lithuania, yet such surgeries cannot be performed in the very same country and health care is not provided. For this reason, the most frequently encountered is the illegal inaction of the government institutions and the government itself, when the government takes no measures to implement the laws or at least to fix the subordinate legislation so that people could use it. Such passiveness of the government violates the people's rights to a quick, clear and easily accessible procedure. So, from the survey conducted in this work, it can be concluded that the rights of a person are not ensured to people that have changed their gender. The object of the work is the rights of people that had medically changed their gender. The purpose of the work is to determine whether the rights of people that have changed their gender are ensured in Lithuania, where there are no regulations, by conducting an analysis of the practice of the courts, legislation and sources. The tasks of the work: 1. To conduct an analysis of the legal regulation concerning the people that have changed their gender in Lithuania. 2. To analyse the legal regulation of sex change in foreign countries and evaluate it; 3. To conduct an analysis of the legal practise in Lithuania and foreign countries concerning the people that have changed their gender. The hypothesis of the work: the rights of a person that had medically changed their gender are not ensured.

Transsexual people are a part of society, for which the legal framework is not provided in Lithuania. The law projects, presented by the members of the Seimas, remained at project level and nowadays, there is no law at Lithuania, which would recognise sex change. The recognition of gender is the most important aspect for people that want to change genders. Certain subordinate legislation regulates the identification document change, health care, partnership of transsexual people; however, not all laws are implemented due to a legal gap. The problem of the work. In the Lithuanian Civil Code, a person's right to medically change genders, if it is medically possible, was established. The sex change surgery, the gender itself was supposed to have been adjusted by a special Sex change law, which still has not been admitted. So, the question addressed is how such a person's rights can be ensured in Lithuania, if a person after a full or partial sex change, once their passport and other important documents have been changed, could legalise themselves in Lithuania. Another aspect due to which even more questions arise is how you could determine the retirement age of the person that had changed their gender, since the retirement age for men and women is different. The raised problem is that health care services concerning sex change are not provided to people that had changed their gender. In addition, the question of family formation is important – can people that had changed their gender adopt when they marry a representative of the opposite gender, since no such regulation in Lithuania exists. Also, questions are raised about sports: could a person, after changing their gender, take part in a sport, i.e. play for the women's team if they were a man before and vice versa; could they resume their sports activities after the surgery. Therefore, it can be said that the topic is quite problematic and has many unanswered questions. The main problem of the work is the limiting of rights of people, who wish to change their gender, which leads to the uncertainty of those people's situation. Lithuania is not the only country, which does not have an established Sex change law, such a problem is sore in other countries of the European Union; therefore, it should be solved. The relevance of the work. After analysing the Lithuanian and foreign scientific literature, after conducting the surveys, the legal regulatory failures that over time change in certain aspects in each country are revealed. After the Sex change law has not been passed in Lithuania, the legal status of transsexual people is not clear. You cannot have gender reassignment surgery, directly address authorities, which would perform the change in the civil status acts, healthcare is not provided. A detailed analysis of legal problems concerning sex change, the lack of its regulations both in Lithuania and in other countries is provided. In addition, the relevance is distinguished also by the fact that a changing practise is noticed in The European Court of Human Rights Cases, in which a different view on transsexual people's rights is reflected than in national law. A hypothesis that has been brought in that the rights of a person that had changed his gender by medical means are not ensured has confirmed itself. After conducting the analysis, it can be concluded that such a limitation of the people's legal framework and the non-establishment of the Sex change law does not ensure the rights of transsexual people. A full change of the person's gender is required in Lithuania, yet such surgeries cannot be performed in the very same country and health care is not provided. For this reason, the most frequently encountered is the illegal inaction of the government institutions and the government itself, when the government takes no measures to implement the laws or at least to fix the subordinate legislation so that people could use it. Such passiveness of the government violates the people's rights to a quick, clear and easily accessible procedure. So, from the survey conducted in this work, it can be concluded that the rights of a person are not ensured to people that have changed their gender. The object of the work is the rights of people that had medically changed their gender. The purpose of the work is to determine whether the rights of people that have changed their gender are ensured in Lithuania, where there are no regulations, by conducting an analysis of the practice of the courts, legislation and sources. The tasks of the work: 1. To conduct an analysis of the legal regulation concerning the people that have changed their gender in Lithuania. 2. To analyse the legal regulation of sex change in foreign countries and evaluate it; 3. To conduct an analysis of the legal practise in Lithuania and foreign countries concerning the people that have changed their gender. The hypothesis of the work: the rights of a person that had medically changed their gender are not ensured.