Suchergebnisse

Nicht nur genderpolitisch unumwunden rückwärtsgewandte, sondern auch vermeintlich liberale Beiträge missverstehen Butler. Dazu zwei aktuelle Beispiele: die mediale Repräsentation der Transsexuellen Caitlyn Jenner und die der Eurovision Song Contest-Gewinnerin von 2014, Conchita Wurst. Im Fall von Jenner gerät über die Begeisterung für den erfolgreich vollzogenen Seitenwechsel der Machtanspruch von Gender selbst in den Hintergrund, sie wird zur Ikone einer neoliberalen Selbstoptimierung. Im Fall von Wurst wird die Event-Kultur von Eurovision insgesamt als «Gender-Fasching» wahrgenommen. Beide Beispiele illustrieren eine der gängigsten Fehllektüren Butlers: dass Gender frei wählbar wäre oder sogar so einfach zu haben sei wie ein Kostümwechsel. An diesem Punkt schlägt die mediale Berichterstattung über Gender um in ihre Diffamierung, denn die Fehllektüre eines als voluntaristisch missverstandenen Gender-Begriffs ruft ihren Widerspruch schon mit auf. ; Not only approaches that are openly reactionary but even presumably liberal ones misread Butler. Here are two current examples: the media representations of the transsexual Caitlyn Jenner and of Conchita Wurst, the Eurovision Song Contest winner of 2014. In the case of Jenner, the ways in which gender is coerced are overlooked in order to celebrate the successful switching of sides. Thus, Jenner becomes an icon of a neoliberal form of self-optimization. In the case of Wurst, Eurovision as such is perceived as a form of gender carnivalesque. Both examples illustrate one of the most common misreadings of Butler: That you can chose your gender freely, even as easily as putting on a costume. At this point the media coverage on gender issues flips into a form of defamation, since the misreading of the concept of gender as voluntaristic already provokes its objection.

"Seit der Jahrhundertwende zeichnet sich immer deutlicher ein Gestaltwandel von Geschlechterpolitik ab, der möglicherweise in einen Strukturwandel münden wird. Dieser Wandel ist aufs Engste verknüpft mit der Politik des Gender-Mainstreaming. Im Zuge der Implementation von Gender Mainstreaming lässt sich eine wachsende Nachfrage nach einem neuen Wissenstypus 'Gender-Wissen' und einem neuen Kompetenztypus 'Gender-Kompetenz' beobachten; des weiteren ein Professionalisierungsprozess, der sich derzeit u.a. als ein Kampf verschiedener Akteursgruppen um Definitionsmacht darstellt, wer für sich erfolgreich Gender-Kompetenz reklamieren kann. In diesem Prozess sind Frauenbewegung und Frauenpolitikerinnen nur zwei von mehreren konkurrierenden Akteursgruppen. Consulting-Firmen, Unternehmensberatungen und Männer sind hinzugekommen. Gender Mainstreaming hat einen neuen Markt kreiert, mit Gender-Wissen lässt sich Geld verdienen. Der in diesem Rahmen erfolgende Professionalisierungsprozess kommt in professionssoziologisch bekannter Gestalt daher, nicht zuletzt in Form neuer akademischer Ausbildungsgänge, in denen Gender-Kompetenz erworben werden kann. Galt diese vormals als durch frauenpolitisches Engagement verbürgt (ohne dass sie so bezeichnet wurde), so wird sie nun der Tendenz nach über Zertifikate testiert. An die Stelle der Frauenbeauftragten tritt die 'Gender-Change-Managerin' –oder auch der 'Gender-Change-Manager', die oder der in der Lage ist, 'Gender-Budget-Analysen' und ein 'Gender Impact Assessment' durchzuführen. Die Veränderungen auf der semantischen Ebene verweisen auf Veränderungen der Relevanzsetzungen. Mit der Ökonomisierung von Geschlechterpolitik werden zunehmend andere als politische Kompetenzen nachgefragt. Der Vortrag zeichnet die sich abzeichnende Entwicklung einer Professionalisierung und möglichen 'Verbetriebswirtschaftlichung' von Geschlechterpolitik nach und fragt nach den Folgen, die sich daraus für die Codierung der Kategorie Geschlecht ergeben." (Autorenreferat)

Der Beitrag geht über eine institutionenökonomische Interpretation der 'theory of the firm' das Glass Ceiling-Phänomen neu an. Gemeint ist die Umstellung ökonomischer Organisationstheorie vom Management "knapper Ressourcen" auf ein Management der "Kooperation von Personen". Wenn man Organisationen ressourcenökonomisch untersucht, werden die Kompetenz-Differenziale der Geschlechter neu thematisiert. Glass Ceiling ist wesentlich ein Effekt unsicherer Produktivitätszuschreibungen: Weil Frauen nicht in der Führung beobachtet werden können, werden ihnen Defizite zugeschrieben, unter denen sie von jetzt an beobachtet werden. Wenn aber Frauen über ihnen zugewiesene Kompetenzen Karrieren beginnen, wird die Frage der Eignung an beide Geschlechter gerichtet: Was können Männer nicht, was Frauen können? Erst hier beginnt der Gender-Wettbewerb zweiter Ordnung. Die Ausführungen zeigen, dass der "Gender-Kooperationslevel" ein Maß für Flexibilität und Modernität von Organisationen ist, die höhere Kooperationspotenziale haben als konkurrierende Organisationen. Man beginnt zu lernen, dass die Eigenschaften von Frauen und Männern in Organisationen möglicherweise organisationsspezifische Eigenschaften sind, keine geschlechtsspezifischen. Eine solche organisationsspezifische Eigenschaft ist die Gender-Kooperationskomponente: ein bedeutsames Element für corporate integrity. (ICA2)

This article seeks to reintroduce discussions on gender relations in politics back into scholarly and political debate. Many countries have adopted gender quotas, but it is unclear whether their implementation has meaningfully changed the prevalent inequalities governing gender relations in politics. This article considers whether the implementation of gender quotas could promote change, and assesses this change with reference to five criteria formerly used to assess the strategy of gender mainstreaming. These are a shift towards a more comprehensive concept of gender equality; the incorporation of a gender perspective intersected with other inequalities in mainstream politics; equal political representation; organizational changes in selection and recruitment mechanisms as well as the functioning of politics; and, finally, the displacement of hierarchies, and the empowerment of subjects. Reflection on and empirical illustrations of gender quotas with regard to these criteria reveal a mixed picture, demonstrating the need to reintroduce discussions about gender equality within politics back into gender quota debates. This discussion will not focus on the legitimacy of or need for gender quotas, but on how their implementation can contribute to the improvement of gender relations in politics beyond a quantitative sense. Approaching gender quotas through the use of criteria devised for assessing the gender mainstreaming strategy is helpful in exploring the potential of gender quotas in the transformation of gender relations.

Gender Equality between women and men remains elusive on many fronts and in 2019, Malta's score in the EU Equality Index was below the EU average. Progress has been noted in the area of paid work, but little headway has been made in the power domain, which is still heavily dominated by men. On the other hand, women still disproportionally carry the biggest care burdens, with related consequences on their career and their earnings. Gender mainstreaming is still in its very early stages and there is no evidence that Gender Auditing or Gender Budgeting has been implemented so far. In the last six years no ESIF funds were secured for genderequality-related projects. However, other funds were sourced through other EU calls. A gender mainstreaming strategy is due to be launched in 2020, although little details exist of how this will be implemented. Malta has much to gain if it makes better use of ESIF and other EU funds in order to secure the expertise and the resources to effectively implement Gender Mainstreaming and to carry out Gender audits and Gender Budgeting. NGOs should be more involved in these processes and could be better supported, in order to make use of EU funds to strengthen gender equality in Malta. ; This publication is supported by the European Union Rights, Equality and Citizenship Programme (2014-2020). ; N/A

Der Beitrag zu aktuellen Entwicklungen der Politikberatung in Österreich befasst sich mit der Frage, ob es durch die Einführung von Gender Mainstreaming (GM) prinzipiell zu einer erhöhten Nachfrage nach Gender-Expertisen gekommen ist und welche Art der Beratung nachgefragt wird. Im ersten Schritt wird einführend zunächst die Herkunft von GM skizziert. Im zweiten Schritt wird anhand empirischen Datenmaterials der Beratungsbedarf aufgezeigt und am Beispiel der österreichischen Bundesverwaltung konkretisiert. Im dritten Schritt wird abschließend die Frage diskutiert, ob und welchem Sinne bei Beratung im Rahmen von GM-Prozessen von Politikberatung gesprochen werden kann. GM wird meistens so gehandhabt, als sei Gleichstellung lediglich vom Wohlwollen meist männlicher Führungskräfte abhängig und folglich unabhängig von Machtstrukturen und Interessen, die in Organisationen eingelagert sind. Damit trägt GM zur Entpolitisierung der Gleichstellungsidee bei, weshalb GM-Beratung kaum als Politikberatung operieren kann, sondern im Extremfall sogar als Entpolitisierungsberatung einzuschätzen ist. (ICG2)

The division of gender roles in the household and societal level gender (in)equality have been situated as one of the most powerful factors underlying fertility behaviour. Despite continued theoretical attention to this issue by demographers, empirical research integrating gender roles and equity in relation to fertility remains surprisingly sparse. This paper first provides a brief review of previous research that has examined gender roles and fertility followed by a comparison of six prominent gender equality indices: Gender-related Development Index (GDI), Gender Empowerment Measure (GEM), Gender Gap Index (GGI), Gender Equality Index (GEI), the European Union Gender Equality Index (EU-GEI) and the Social Institutions and Gender Index (SIGI). The paper then tests how five of these indices impact fertility intentions and behaviour using a series of multilevel (random-coefficient) logistic regression models, applying the European Social Survey (2004/5). The GDI, with its emphasis on human development, adjusted for gender, has the strongest and significant effect on fertility intentions. The EU-GEI, which focuses on the universal caregiver model, uncovers that more equity significantly lowers fertility intentions, but only for women. The remaining indicators show no significant impact. The paper concludes with a reflection and suggestions for future research.

International audience ; The protests which have been ongoing in North-African countries since February 2011 have contributed towards giving visibility to that component of society often neglected by the dominant male model: women. Female bodies occupied not only the front covers of important magazines (Libération, n.9253, 12th-13th February 2011; Los Angeles Times, Saturday 12th February), but also a traditional male space: the public space. This media visibility of women has given new food for thought on gender issues as well as on issues concerning dominating relationships that the ever reigning patriarchal system continues to perpetrate on a global level.Assuming that in most of these societies such relationships largely determine people's roles and lives, can one speak of a specificity in the Mediterranean setting? The predominant image of the Mediterranean world is that of a closed context, refractory to transformation, anchored in sexist traditions and still a long way from effective equality and access to politics and positions of power. Just such a stereotype, legitimized by Anglo-Saxon traditional studies and research on the Mediterranean city (c.f. Minca 2004) and still commonly predominant, has been put into question by the active role played by women in social movements which have lately taken place in the whole of the Mediterranean basin1. The pictures of women engaged in protest and demonstration have gone around the world. However, what do the women of the Arab awakening and the Spanish indignados women2 have in common? The presence of their bodies on town squares and streets. Virtual space has also held a starring role in the protests. The role of technology and the network in social and political change has been vastly covered both in scientific contexts (e.g. Paradiso 2003, 2006) and in popular contexts; particular reference can be made to the Green Wave in Iran (Mouillard 2009; Hare and Darani 2010). Furthermore, with the 2011 protests, attention has been focused specifically on the relation ...

International audience ; The protests which have been ongoing in North-African countries since February 2011 have contributed towards giving visibility to that component of society often neglected by the dominant male model: women. Female bodies occupied not only the front covers of important magazines (Libération, n.9253, 12th-13th February 2011; Los Angeles Times, Saturday 12th February), but also a traditional male space: the public space. This media visibility of women has given new food for thought on gender issues as well as on issues concerning dominating relationships that the ever reigning patriarchal system continues to perpetrate on a global level.Assuming that in most of these societies such relationships largely determine people's roles and lives, can one speak of a specificity in the Mediterranean setting? The predominant image of the Mediterranean world is that of a closed context, refractory to transformation, anchored in sexist traditions and still a long way from effective equality and access to politics and positions of power. Just such a stereotype, legitimized by Anglo-Saxon traditional studies and research on the Mediterranean city (c.f. Minca 2004) and still commonly predominant, has been put into question by the active role played by women in social movements which have lately taken place in the whole of the Mediterranean basin1. The pictures of women engaged in protest and demonstration have gone around the world. However, what do the women of the Arab awakening and the Spanish indignados women2 have in common? The presence of their bodies on town squares and streets. Virtual space has also held a starring role in the protests. The role of technology and the network in social and political change has been vastly covered both in scientific contexts (e.g. Paradiso 2003, 2006) and in popular contexts; particular reference can be made to the Green Wave in Iran (Mouillard 2009; Hare and Darani 2010). Furthermore, with the 2011 protests, attention has been focused specifically on the relation ...

Die Verfasserinnen stellen Ansätze eines Gender Budgeting in Deutschland auf Länderebene (Berlin, Nordrhein-Westfalen, Sachsen-Anhalt, Bremen) und auf kommunaler Ebene (Köln, Marl, Marburg, Frankfurt a.M., München) vor. Sie konstatieren vielfältige Ansätze in diesem Bereich, ohne dass Gender Budgeting bisher - mit Ausnahme des Berliner Bezirks Lichtenberg - zur konkreten Veränderung eines Haushalts oder eines Teilhaushalts geführt hätte. Abschließend werden Faktoren benannt, die die zukünftige Debatte um Gender Budgeting prägen werden und die das Verhältnis zu Gender Mainstreaming, die Rolle der Verwaltungsmodernisierung und das Verhältnis von Politik, Verwaltung und zivilgesellschaftlichen Initiativen als politischen Akteuren betreffen. (ICE2)

The paper addresses the dilemmas, contradictions and paradoxes in the Danish approach to gender quotas and gender equality and discusses the intersections of citizenship, democracy and gender justice. Gender research understands gender quota as a means to achieve equal rights, gender equality and gender parity. Gender theory has conceptualized gender parity as one step towards achieving gender justice in all arenas of social, political and economic life. The Danish cases illustrate that context matters and question gender quota as a universal strategy to achieve gender equality. The empirical focus of the paper is placed on three arenas: 1) gender quota in political governance; 2) gender quota in parental leave policies; and 3) gender quota in economic governance. The paper is primarily concerned with analyses of Danish discourses and policies in relation to the three policy areas and only to a limited extent addresses the impact of these policies and their implications for lived practice. One issue concerns the paradox of the relatively high female representation in politics without the adoption of gender quotas. A second issue concerns the gap between gender equality policies. Denmark lacks behind the other Scandinavian countries' discourses and policies about gender quota but in practice the picture is much more complex. A third issue concerns the European perspective. In relation to women's labour market participation and gender parity in politics Denmark is ahead of other European countries but lacks behind in relation to equal representation on corporate boards.