Suchergebnisse

The Secretary-General is appointed by the General Assembly upon the recommendation of the Security Council. Due to the veto power of the permanent members, lack of transparency and the recommendation of only one candidate, the appointment of the Secretary-General is basically a decision of the Security Council. UN member states, civil society organizations and schoolars point out the need for a more active role of the General Assembly during the appointment of the Secretary-General. Formation of the ad hoc working group for the revitalization of the work of the General Assembly raised this problem to a higher level. Current procedure of appointment of the Secretary-General was reasonable at the time of the adoption of the UN Charter. The circumstances of the 21st century require different solutions. The paper aims to show the necessity and possibilities of strengthening the role of the General Assembly in the process of appointment of the Secretary-General and obstacles existing in this regard. The long-term activities of the ad hoc working group for the revitalization of the work of the General Assembly gave positive results in terms of more active role of the General Assembly during the appointment of the Secretary General in 2016. The paper aims to show that the results achieved by the ad hoc working group are not long-term efficient. The most effective solution for strengthening the role of the General Assembly in the appointment of the Secretary-General is the revision of the UN Charter.

The diplomacy of socialist Yugoslavia paid a lot of attention to the international reputation of the country in the sphere of culture, and thus literature. At the same time, Yugoslav writers in the Writer's Union of Yugoslavia, faithfully supported Yugoslav foreign policy, both individually and institutionally. The most impressive example of collaboration between literature and diplomacy was awarding Ivo Andrić a Nobel Prize. The Writers' Union of Yugoslavia nominated the writer in 1958, and Yugoslav diplomacy lobbied in favor of Andrić for several years. The efforts were successfully crowned in 1961. In socialist Yugoslavia, the existence of a special Macedonian nation and its culture and language was insisted on, so in that sense, the greatest challenge was denying the Macedonian identity that came from Bulgaria. The Yugoslav Writers' Union, consistently pursuing state policy, suspended official co-operation with the Bulgarian Writers' Union in the second half of the 1960s due to Bulgaria's refusal to recognize the Macedonian language. Yugoslav writers also adapted to the state policy of non-alignment. They did not reach the level of cooperation with those countries that existed in the field of politics, economics or science, but they maintained ties with writers from those parts of the world in various ways. Among other things, the twentieth anniversary of the Belgrade Conference of the Non-Aligned Nations in October 1981 was a meeting of writers of non-aligned countries in Belgrade.

This paper show why the standardization of administrative procedure is important for the state legal system that, in the last two decades, the administrative procedure codes were adopted in almost all of the European states. Afterwards author analyzed main driving forces for development of administrative procedural law at the level of the European Union and the Council of Europe. The most important legal sources of European administrative procedural law (basic standards, principles, recommendations and guidelines in this area) are concisely presented but it is clearly indicated that there are certain ambiguities, that these sources don't apply equally to all institutions of the Union, and that they still don't make finished, complete and forever given system that can be automatically transferred to jurisprudence of the member states and candidate countries. Moreover, often administrative process laws of the member states contain rules that are not existing in this kind of regulation at European Union level and that is why the process of adopting the first European Union general law on administrative procedure was initiated, which would further improve the standards of European administrative process in general. When it comes to the general administrative procedure of the Republic of Serbia it has been shown that in spite of the strategic orientation towards the reform of the Law on Administrative Procedure expressed in numerous strategies, our executive authorities in this area have not yet moved beyond the development of the third version of the Draft Law on General administrative Procedure which was afterward adopted by the Government as the Bill. In his final remarks the author concludes stating that the largest number of European standards of administrative process are included in the final version of the Draft, but without eliminating the shortcomings of the existing Law, and without normative adjusting to the circumstances in which the Serbian administration operates, and with unnecessary abandonment of some solutions that have proved to be right in the decades-long practice of administrative authorities.

Measuring the quality of political regimes is a field that occupies a traditional place in statistical studies that have the subject of studying the characteristics of the political system as an important segment of the explanation of the behavior of states in international relations. In a desire for a comprehensive and complete spatial and temporal interaction, researchers seek to classify data categories through an extremely complex set that represents the starting point for further research. The aim of this article is a comparative overview of the most used quantitative instruments of the level of the political regime. In addition, the author points to the advantages or limitations of certain databases. The subject of the comparative presentation are the following databases: Polity IV, Lexical Index of Electoral Democracy-LIED, Authoritarian Regime Dataset, Varieties of Democracy, and other data sets relevant to statistical testing. In addition, the author presents the problems that researchers in security studies meet in "measuring" the level of the political regime, that is, quantifying the relationship between democracy and autocracy. The method of descriptive statistics will be used in order to present the most important statistical cross-sections of the instruments used in modern research.

Истраживања миграција представљају приоритет, јер отварају актуелне проблеме и питања која чине неизоставни део свакодневицa, политика, стратегија, конфликата, кретања и мобилности људи у свету. Када је наука спремна на таква сучељавања, тада истраживања добијају довољно маневар ског простора за аналитичко расветљавање и сагледавање са свих страна. Непрегледни свет миграција подстиче науку на моблност и истраживачку приправност овде – сада ‒ свуда. Проучавања миграција поседују перманент ну актуелност и динамику, јер нису изолована од микро- и макрополитика и економија, те друштвених и културних процеса. ; Migration studies appear as a priority as they discuss the current problems and issues that inevitably are part of everyday life, policies, strategies, conflicts, movement and mobility of people around the globe. When such debates become scientific topics, then migration as an occurrence can be studied through multiple perspectives and overviews. The vast world of migration urges science and research towards mobility and research preparedness here - now - everywhere. Migration studies are always actual and dynamic, being a part of micro and macro politics and economics, social and cultural processes. ; Тема броја: Истраживање миграција (ур. Мирослава Лукић Крстановић и Петко Христов) / Topic of the Issue: Research of Migrations (eds. Miroslava Lukić Krstanović and Petko Hristov)

The paper analyzes the regulation of the institute of the test procedure, especially institutes simplified procedure, as well as administrative actions to the decision in the Law on Administrative Procedure of the Republic of Srpska. Specially processed actions authorized officials in this part of the administrative procedure, which can take place to resolve the administrative matter.Thus, first, in the preamble emphasizes the importance that arranging direct solving has to conduct efficient and cost-effective administrative procedures. In the central part of the shortened institutes and special examination procedures are analyzed in detail, with particular attention paid compared institute immediate resolution of the Institute a summary procedure . In conclusion, the paper briefly discusses the work point out the basic problems and theses, and stresses the duty of officials and that when immediate resolution of protecting the rights of the parties.

Током последњих неколико деценија били смо сведоци интензивних промена света у коме живимо. Иза доминантне слике технолошког прогреса, с једне, и непрестаног нивелисања политичких моћи, с друге стране, промене су се одвијале и на свим друштвеним нивоима, задирући у суштину темељних поставки културе модерног света. Разградња традиционалних оквира идентитета, релативизација система вредности и снажни импулси личне слободе били су врста улазнице у постмодерно стање духа, које је, тежећи ка помирењу, заправо до крајности продубило јаз између цивилизације као хумане креације и цивилизације као система per se, који умногоме почива на негирању универзалних вредности човека. Темат Хуманистичке науке пред изазовима постдисциплинарности и тржишта замишљен је као платформа за размену искустава међу еминентим научним радницима из различитих земаља. ; Over the last couple of decades the world we live in has been going through intensive change. Behind the dominant image of technological progress on the one hand, and the continuing redistribution of political power on the other, changes have been occurring on all social levels, hitting at the heart of the basic assumptions of modern culture. The deconstruction of traditional frameworks of identity, the relativization of value systems and powerful impulses of personal freedom have served as a kind of ticket to the postmodern condition which has, while aspiring to reconcile, led to a fundamental deepening of the rift between civilization as a humane creation and civilization as a system per se which largely rests on negating the universal value of humanity. ; Тема броја: Друштвене и хуманистичке науке пред изазовима пост-дисциплинарности и тржишта / ур. Александра Павићевић / Topic of the Issue: Social Sciences and the Humanities: Facing the Challenges of Postdisciplinarity and the Market (ed. Aleksandra Pavićević)

In this paper, the author points to the outdated textbook classification of states into three groups, according to whether they have carried out the codification of administrative procedure or not. The first group includes the states that have administrative procedures fully codified. The second group comprises the states with the so-called mixed systems, which have uncodified procedural regulations related to the administration, while the third group contains a few states that do not have administrative procedural regulations at all. The author analyzes recent changes in this highly dynamic field in order to specify general patterns, common characteristics and peculiarities of regulations of general administrative procedure in contemporary states. The paper especially points to the general acceptance of the concept of administrative act but also underscores the differences in its content in various legal systems. The author has identified and analyzed some smaller standalone trends, such as: the increasing complexity of administrative procedures along the lines of judicial procedures, and the most recent deviations from this trend; the increasing presence of administrative contracting and other forms of alternative dispute resolutions of administrative matters; and the growing insistence on the principle of citizens' participation in administrative proceedings. The goal of the analysis is to determine the degree of influence of the Global and European administrative law on the national regulations, to explore the activities of certain expert organizations bringing together a number of experts in the field of comparative administrative law, and to discuss the course of the latest regulations in this area.

Doktorska disertacija nastoji da objasni rezultate višestranačkih parlamentarnih izbora u Srbiji od 1990. godine do prve mirne smene vlasti 2000. godine sa stanovišta informisanosti publike o izbornim opcijama. U njoj je potvrđena generalna hipoteza da su informativni televizijski programi o izborima za Skupštinu Srbije tokom 1990-tih godina onemogućavali slobodnu i poštenu utakmicu izbornih rivala. Umesto da biračima ponude adekvatne informacije kao osnovu za racionalan izbor, oni su sistematski favorizovali jednog izbornog učesnika u odnosu na druge. U radu se utvrđuju glavne medijske strategije uticaja na mišljenje birača na osnovu empirijske analize televizijske prezentacije izbora u periodu 1990-2000. godina. Kvantitativno-kvalitativna analiza sadržaja obuhvata redovne informativne programe i specijalizovane izborne programe proizvedene tokom kampanje za izbore za Skupštinu Srbije 1990, 1992, 1993, 1997. i 2000. godine. Analiza je fokusirana na utvrđivanje centralne strategije medijske prezentacije izbora u svakom pojedinačnom ciklusu, identifikovanje slike društvene i političke realnosti kao konteksta u koji se smeštaju informacije o aktivnostima izbornih učesnika, utvrdjivanje glavne teme-dileme izborne kampanje u odnosu na koju se pozicioniraju izborni učesnici i utvrđivanje televizijskih imidža glavnih izbornih rivala. Analizi medijske slike izbora prethodi razmatranje političkog, pravnog i medijskog konteksta u kome su izbori održani. Analiza je potvrdila radne hipoteze da je izborno izveštavanje državne televizije RTS (RTB) od 1990. do 2000. godine podsticalo biračku podršku za vladajuću stranku – Socijalističku partiju Srbije (SPS) ili njenu koaliciju – sistematskom diskriminacijom njenih izbornih rivala; da su specijalizovani izborni programi državne televizije favorizovali interese vladajuće partije SPS ili njene koalicije u odnosu na interese drugih izbornih učesnika i favorizovali interese izbornih učesnika u odnosu na interese birača; i da je redovno TV izveštavanje o aktuelnim neizbornim događajima omogućavalo da izborne poruke jednog izbornog učesnika budu lakše prihvatljive za birače od poruka njegovih izbornih rivala. Način na koji je izveštavanje o izborima kontekstuirano u specifičnu sliku neizbornih događaja identifikovan je kao ključna dugoročna strategija uticaja na birače, zajedno sa medijskim definisanjem smisla izbora u skladu sa interesima jednog izborno učesnika - poželjnog izbornog pobednika. Doktorska disertacija je potvrdila teorijsku hipotezu da kulturološke studije nude pogodnu teorijsku i analitičku osnovu za istraživanje uloge medija u izbornoj komunikaciji u Srbiji tokom 1990-tih godina. ; The doctoral thesis aims to explain the results of multiparty parliamentary elections in Serbia from 1990 until the first peaceful change in power in 2000 from the standpoint of information about election options available to voters. The thesis confirms a general hypothesis that the information TV programs about elections for the Parliament of Serbia during the 1990-ies prevented a free and fair competition of election rivals. Instead of offering adequate information to voters as a basis for a rational choice, TV programs systematically favored one election participant over others. The thesis identifies the main media strategies of influencing the opinion of voters on the basis of empirical analysis of television presentation of elections in the period 1990-2000. The quantitative-qualitative content analysis is applied to regular news programs and specialized electoral broadcasts produced during campaigns for elections for the Parliament of Serbia in 1990, 1992, 1993, 1997 and 2000. The analysis is focused on identifying the central strategy of the media presentation in each election cycle, the picture of social and political reality as a context for the information on activities of election participants, the main issue of the election campaign and TV images of the main election rivals. The analysis of the media picture of the elections is preceded by a review of political, legal and media context in which the elections took place. The analysis confirmed the working hypothesis that the election coverage of the state television RTS (RTB) from 1990 until 2000 mobilized the voters' support for the ruling party – Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS) or its coalition – by a systematic discrimination of its election rivals; that the specialized programs of the state television favored the interests of the ruling party SPS or its coalition in comparison to interests of other election contestants as well as the interests of election participants over the interests of voters; and that the regular Serbian television news reporting about non-election events made the messages of one election participant more easily acceptable by voters than the messages of other contestants. The way the coverage of election events was placed into a specific picture of non-election events is identified as the key long-term strategy for influencing the voters' decision, together with the media definition of the meaning of the election which was in accord with the interests of one election participant – the preferred election winner. The thesis confirmed a theoretical hypothesis that cultural studies offer a convenient theoretical and analytical basis for studying the role of the media in election communication in Serbia during the 1990's.

In this paper, we focus on terrorism through the criminal legislation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In the existing scientific fund, professional literature, various organizations, institutions, political entities, there is not a sufficient degree of agreement to be able to form a court that there is, in general, a generally accepted definition of terrorism. On the other hand, given the various activities and actions, results, effects and consequences of terrorist organizations and terrorists, we must state that there is a very high degree of agreement, that terrorism is one of the biggest security and security threats today. The growing increase in terrorist actions and threats has led to the implementation of new legislative norms in order to better counter terrorism. Organized crime at the international level and terrorist activities increasingly require the connection of states, international organizations through Conventions, Resolutions or Laws. Terrorism acts ambivalently and as a threat to the stability of society, states and their development on a global level. The expansion of terrorism over time has surprised many organizations, institutions, whose goal is to preserve security, where the need for reforms has arisen. Through the laws in Bosnia and Herzegovina, we will see how the legislator has solved the issue of terrorism and what are the consequences for those who do not adhere to them.

Овај рад представља сажетак истраживања у којем је српска документарно-уметничка проза друге половине 19. века сагледана као драгоцени извор за упознавање токова и веза између српске културне и музичке историје. Истражена грађа потврђује да је музика, у сфери јавног и приватног, била важан сегмент живота свих слојева српског друштва 19. века, у сложеним геополитичким и културноисторијским контекстима. С обзиром на природу извора, сведочанства носе индивидуализовану, парцијалну перспективу, често подређену функцијама и облицима текста, поетици појединих аутора и концепцијама конкретних мемоарских дела. Посебно је коментарисан "ниво документарности" мемоарских извора, односно условљеност типа записа о музици природом документарно-уметничких жанрова. ; In this study the documentary prose (memoirs, diaries, autobiographies and travelogues, as well as selected biographical essays about the renowned individuals) written in the second half of the XIX century by prominent Serbian cultural workers, artists, statesmen, journalists and politicians is regarded as a valuable material for exploring the links and flows between Serbian cultural and musical histories. The sources confirm that, both in the public and private spheres, music was an important segment of all strata of the XIX-century Serbian society in complex geopolitical and cultural-historical contexts. In a diachronic perspective the analysed material reflects the dynamics and evolution of the types of presence of music and musical life in all countries populated by the Serbs in this period: the Habsburg Monarchy, the Principality and Kingdom of Serbia and the Serbian enclaves in other nations. The documents testify about the place of music in the spheres of personal interest, affinities and experiences of the writers and their contemporaries, i.e. they reflect the status of music in the context of everyday cultural life of the Serbs in the XIX century. By means of separate thematic descriptions of music in the sources, the music creators, performers and audiences are portrayed, the activities of important music institutions are presented, various types and opportunities for making music are described, the aspects of musical interpretation are commented on, and the features of traditions of vocal and instrumental musical practices from different regions are analysed. The collected sources have been analysed and assessed with respect to their contents and the authors' attitudes, and the deliberation of the hypotheses posed here is compliant with the inspection of the relevant studies from the realms of general and cultural histories, histories of literature and literary criticism, music history, cultural anthropology and art history. Due to the nature of the sources, these testimonies usually point to an individualised, partial perspective, often subordinated to the function and type of text, the poetics of certain authors and the concepts of specific memoirs. The "level of documentarity" of the memoire sources is discussed separately, as well as the dependence of the types of writings about music on the nature of the genres of documentary prose.

The development of both conventional and written legal rules that were governing the roots of the administration, has run in parallel with the development of the country. The development of legal state was going parallel with the development of constitutional state. The legal state can not be imagined without pandering Administration under the law, but precisely because of it stems judicial control of management, which is necessary for the full realization of the principle of legality and the protection of rights and legal interests of citizens. Administrative action presents a means to protect the rights and interests of citizens, but on the other hand it is also an effective tool for ensuring the legality of administrative operations. Pandering administration under the law is linked to the French Revolution from 1789, in this respect, France is a country that is the first to introduce an administrative dispute. The development of an administrative dispute in France can be followed through the occurrence and development of the State Council, which was formed during Napoleon time in 1799. The legal institutionalization of the administration is not done in the same way everywhere, in that sense we distinguish two big legal systems, Anglo-Saxon and European-continental. In Anglo- Saxon law legal institutionalization of the administration included the procuring administration under the legal norms of general law, management control exercised by courts of general jurisdiction. In the European-continental law legal institutionalization of the administration departs from pandering Administration under the legal standards that belong to a specific branch of law administrative law. In the European- continental system there is a difference between private and public law, and an important part of the legal regime are special administrative courts. The development of an administrative dispute actually juridical control of administration in Serbia can be traced back to the second half of the 19th century. Although Serbia has created very early the State Council following the example of France, in a formal sense the administrative dispute in Serbia was fully introduced by the Constitution from 1869. At our place administrative activities are controlled by the courts, which are an integral part of the judiciary and acting under special rules, rules of administrative law. Depending on the positive law of certain countries, the subject of administrative dispute is defined broadly or narrowly. According to French positive law the subject of administrative dispute may be not only single authoritative legal acts of administration, but also the general acts of administration - implementing regulations issued by the administration, as well as administrative objections. According to French positive law the subject of administrative dispute is defined very broadly, unlike the German and Austrian positive law, where an administrative dispute can not be conducted against all acts of general administration. Regarding that in the comparative law we meet a number of different solutions, we believe that in our country we should choose the one that would be the best way to provide protection for the rights of citizens. We lead the administrative dispute in the first place about the legality of final administrative act against other individual legal acts because of the silence of administration, and it may be decided on the request for the return of items and damages. The results of scientific studies will confirm the importance of the need that the subject of the administrative procedure should be complied with the case of an administrative dispute. All acts adopted in the administrative procedure should have directly open the way so the control of legality can be accomplished in administrative proceedings in front of the competent administrative court. What is certainly a major challenge is a control of the legality of administrative contracts. Extended subject of administrative dispute will strengthen the position of the parties in the administrative procedure, in order to guarantee them the quality of court protection in front of the Administrative Court.

After the economic crisis of 2008, the degree of economic and environmental impact has increased. Challenges encountered by enterprises ranges from fulfilling the legal obligations of integral prevention and pollution control to the adaptation of the environmental management system in order to successfully apply the ISO 14001 standard. Companies face problems arising from soil pollution, climate change and legislation. Companies must take into account the successful management of sustainable development and social responsibility. To date, the basic responsibility of the company is to create profits for the owners of the company. However, including "social aspects", it emphasizes the participation of other stakeholders. The subject of research in this paper focuses on realizing the situation in terms of company's readiness to fulfill legal obligations for integrated pollution prevention and the application of appropriate environmental management standards. The main objective of this paper is to indicate the opportunities that companies have in favor of effective environmental management through cost reduction and cost savings achieved through efficient waste and energy recycling initiatives. Considering the fact that waste management is inappropriate, it can cause numerous consequences for the population and the environment, work for the welfare of the public, management and employees in enterprises, academic researchers and the general public is expected. The contribution of this paper is to expand the literature in this field and to the need to implement an appropriate management concept for integrated environmental management and prevention in order to successfully manage sustainable development. ; Posle ekonomske krize 2008. godine, stepen ekonomskih i ekoloških uticaja je povećan. Izazovi sa kojima se susreću poduzeća kreću se od ispunjavanja zakonskih obaveza integralnog sprečavanja i kontrole zagađenja do prilagođavanja sistema upravlјanja zaštitom životne sredine kako bi se uspješno primijenio standard ISO 14001. Preduzeća se suočavaju sa problemima koji proizlaze iz zagađenja zemlјišta, klimatskih promena i zakonodavstva. Preduzeća moraju voditi računa o uspešnom upravlјanju sa održivim razvojem i društvenom odgovornošću. Do danas je osnovna odgovornost preduzeća stvaranje profita za vlasnike preduzeća. Međutim, uklјučujući i "socijalne aspekte" naglašava učešće drugih zainteresovanih strana (Hopkins, M. 2004). Predmet istraživanja u ovom radu fokusira se na sagledavanje stvarne situacije u smislu spremnosti preduzeća da ispune zakonske obaveze za integriranu prevenciju zagađenja i primenu odgovarajućih standarda za upravlјanje životnom sredinom. Glavni cilј ovog rada je ukazati na mogućnosti koje preduzeća imaju u korist efektivnog upravlјanja životnom sredinom kroz mogućnosti smanjenja troškova i uštede troškova postignutih kroz efikasne inicijative za reciklažu otpada i energije. S obzirom na činjenicu da je upravlјanje otpadomne prikladno, može izazvati brojne posledice na stanovništvo i životnu sredinu, očekuje se rad za dobrobit javnosti, menadžmenta i zaposlenih u preduzećima, akademskih istraživača i šire javnosti. Doprinos ovog rada sastoji se u proširenju literature u ovoj oblasti i na neophodnost primene odgovarajućeg koncepta upravlјanja za integrisano upravlјanje i sprečavanje zagađenja životne sredine kako bi se uspešno upravlјalo održivim razvojem.

By reporting on some conflicts but not on others, and by representing conflicts they report on in particular ways, the media strongly influence the dynamics and outcomes of democratisation conflicts, and thus also shape the prospects of success of conflict parties. This paper explores the literature on media and conflict by focusing on the ways in which media frame inter-state and civil wars, institutionalised conflicts and social movements in western democracies, and conflicts in nondemocratic and democratising states. Much of the literature discusses the ways in which western media frame foreign conflicts and domestic election campaigns and policy debates, while there is considerably less focus on domestic conflicts in nonwestern settings, such as those that arise during and after transitions from nondemocratic rule. There are only limited attempts to draw parallels between the media coverage of disparate conflicts. In contrast, this study builds upon research findings in these related areas to draw lessons for empirical research of media framing of the contentious dimension of contemporary democratisation. This study concludes that the political context is the main factor that shapes the media framing of various forms of political conflict. Several dimensions of the political context matter in this respect, such as regime type, international (foreign) or domestic perspective, elite consensus or conflict, policy consensus or uncertainty, policy area, more or less institutionalised nature of the political conflict at stake, and the stage of democratisation. Also, the literature suggests that media framing strongly influences political outcomes and thus fosters or undermines democratic institutions in new democracies. .

Predmet ove disertacije je teorijska analiza regulatornog, komunikološkog, tehnološkog i socio-kulturnog okvira u kome nastaje i širi se "govor mržnje", kao i analiza sadržaja i analiza efekata govora mržnje u internet komunikaciji u Srbiji. Cilj disertacije bio je da preciznije definiše sadržaj govora mržnje i kontekst u kome on nastaje, da u odnosu na kulturološke specifičnosti Srbije preciznije utvrdi granicu između mere u kojoj je neophodno omogućiti nesmetanu slobodu izražavanja i ograničiti širenje govora mržnje. Osnovna hipoteza u ovom radu bila je da je koncept govora mržnje višeznačan i da njegovo razumevanje zavisi od geografskog, kulturnog i uopšte socijalnog konteksta u kome se on manifestuje. Govor mržnje na internetu negativno utiče na javnu komunikaciju te samim tim i na proces formiranja javne sfere. Budući da tako ometa kvalitetnu raspravu o problemima od društvenog značaja, govor mržnje otežava donošenje demokratskih odluka i na direktan način urušava demokratske vrednosti u društvu. U istraživanju je sprovedena komparativna analiza evropskih i nacionalnih pravnih akata u oblasti govora mržnje i slobode izražavanja, dat je kritički pregled ključnih međunarodnih naučnih studija i istraživanja govora mržnje na internetu, kao i institucionalna analiza postojećih mehanizama za suzbijanje govora mržnje. Pored toga sprovedena je analiza odabranih aktera i analiza sadržaja internet stranica na kojima je plasiran govor mržnje prema određenim manjinskim grupama u Srbiji. U istraživanju je identifikovan, opisana i problematizovan fenomen govora mržnje na internetu u kontekstu javne komunikacije u Srbiji. U definisanju samog pojma govora mržnje, kroz komparativnu analizu različitih izvora, uočeno je da njegovo identfikovanje zavisi od toga šta se u određenom društvenom, političkom i kulturnom konetkst smatra za osnovni problem koji želi da se reši ovakvim definicijama. Posebno je istaknuta razlika u shvatanju govora mržnje u različitim pravnim tradicijama u svetu. Pored toga, u široj 4 javnosti kao i u različitoj stručnoj literaturi često nije dovoljno dobro definisana jasna granica govora mržnje u odnosu na uvrede, klevete, negaciju nekih istorijskih događaja ili opravdavanje zločina, vređanje simbola, kritiku javnih ličnosti, različitih političkih stavova i religija. Nedovoljno jasna granica između dozvoljenog i potencijalno zabranjenog izražavanja dovodi do nesporazuma i neefikasne borbe protiv govora mržnje koji bi potencijalno mogao da izazove ozbiljne negativne posledice. Oštra kritika nekog pojedinca ili neke grupe veoma lako može biti protumačena kao govor mržnje, a takav pristup zapravo zatvara prostor za diskusiju o nekom problemu i na direktan način sputava slobodu izražavanja, te ugrožava deliberativan proces u demokratskom društvu. ; The topic of this dissertation is the theoretical analysis of the regulatory, communication, technological and socio-cultural framework in which the "hate speech" is being developed, as well as analysis of the content and analysis of the effects of hate speech in online communication in Serbia. The aim of the dissertation was to more precisely define the content of hate speech and the context in which it arises, and in relation to the cultural specifics of Serbia, more precisely determines the boundary between the measure in which it is necessary to provide unhindered freedom of expression and limit the spread of hate speech. The main hypothesis in this work was that the concept of hate speech is multidimensional and that its understanding depends on the geographical, cultural and general social context in which it manifests itself. Hate speech online has a negative impact on public communication and, consequently, on the process of forming a public sphere. Since it hinders the quality debate on the problems of social coercion, hate speech makes it difficult to make democratic decisions and directly undermines the stability of democratic values in society. The study has conducted a comparative and normative analysis of European and national legal acts in the field of hate speech and freedom of expression, as well as other international scientific studies and research in order to better understand the problem of hate speech online, as well as institutional analysis of existing mechanisms for combating hate speech. In addition, an analysis of selected actors of hate speech was conducted through an analysis of the content of the websites where hate speech was addressed to certain minority groups in Serbia. The research described the phenomenon of hate speech online as a complex phenomenon needed to be analysed from several angles to show more clearly all the problems and all the challenges of its precise definition. In defining the notion of hate speech itself, through a 8 comparative analysis of various sources, it is noted that it depends on what is considered to be a basic problem which particular country wants to solve with such definitions. There is a particular difference in understanding of the hate speech in various international legal traditions. In general public, as in various professional literatures, the definition of hate speech is often not clear enough in relation to insults, defamation, denial of some historical events or justification of crimes, insulting symbols, and criticism of public figures, political affiliations and religions. The insufficiently clear boundary between permitted and potentially prohibited expression leads to misunderstandings and ineffective fight against hate speech that could potentially cause serious negative consequences. A sharp critique of an individual or of a group can easily be interpreted as hate speech, and such an approach actually closes the space for discussion and directly suppresses freedom of expression and endangers the deliberative process in a democratic society.